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| A recent rally in Seoul carried the sound of a rock festival — high-amp speakers throbbing with the K-pop hit “Gangnam Style” — if not the look of one. The crowd of mostly elderly people waved South Korean and American flags to the song’s revised refrain: “Anti-communist style!” When speaker after speaker revved up the crowd with pro-American, anti-communist chants, the crowd shouted, “Hooray for President Yoon Suk Yeol!” | 首尔最近的一次集会听起来像是摇滚音乐节，高倍扩音器里放着节奏强烈的韩国流行音乐《江南风格》(Gangnam Style)——不过看起来并不像。聚集在那里的大部分是上了年纪的人，他们挥舞着韩国和美国的国旗，唱着修改过的副歌：“反共风格！”。当一个接一个演讲者用亲美、反共的口号振奋人群时，人群高呼“尹锡悦总统万岁！” |
| Days later, when thousands of mostly younger protesters marched through the same city center, they shook handheld signs and chanted, “Out with Yoon Suk Yeol!” | 几天后，数千名大多是年轻人的抗议者在同一个市中心游行，他们挥舞着手持的标语牌，高呼“尹锡悦滚下台！” |
| Park Yeol, a regular at such rallies, showed up as an inflatable caricature of the South Korean leader. Fellow protesters took selfies while putting him in a headlock. | 朴烈（音）是此类集会的常客，他戴着绘有这位韩国领导人漫画形象的面具，穿着充气服参加了抗议活动。其他抗议者在他前面自拍，还夹住他的头。 |
| “Some people try to punch me,” said Mr. Park, 50. “But that’s the point: I want to demonstrate how mad people are at Yoon.” | “有些人想揍我，”现年50岁的朴烈说，“但这正是我想表达的：我想展示人们对尹锡悦多么气愤。” |
| Protest rallies have been a fixture of this capital city of Asia’s most vibrant democracy for decades, born during South Korea’s difficult march toward democracy in the 1980s when massive crowds, often armed with rocks, firebombs and even stolen rifles, clashed with riot police, tanks and paratroopers. Distrustful of their government, South Koreans have a penchant for taking all manner of grievances to the streets, so much so that it has turned demonstrating into a kind of national pastime. | 几十年来，抗议集会在亚洲这个最具活力的民主国家首都一直都很常见，最早出现在20世纪80年代韩国艰难地向民主转型期间，当时大批人群常常携带着石块、燃烧弹、甚至偷来的步枪，与防暴警察、坦克，以及伞兵发生冲突。韩国人不信任政府，喜欢用走上街头的方式表达各种不满，以至于示威活动变成了一种全国性的消遣。 |
| As the coronavirus pandemic has receded, protest rallies have returned to Seoul with a vengeance. Barely a weekend passes without the city center turning into a raucous bazaar ringing with livestreamed protest songs, slogans and speeches that reveal a country increasingly polarized over its president. | 随着新冠病毒大流行的消退，抗议集会更频繁地重返首尔。几乎每个周末，市中心都会变成喧闹的集会场所，扬声器里直播着抗议歌曲、口号和演讲，向外界展示这个国家对总统的看法日益两极分化。 |
| The vast majority of protests now are organized by rival political activists who use social media, especially YouTube, to mobilize supporters and livestream their gatherings. With churchgoers and other elderly citizens on the right, and mostly younger progressives on the left, they have become a public referendum on Mr. Yoon and his policies. | 现在，绝大多数抗议活动都是由对立的政治活动人士组织的，他们用社交媒体（尤其是YouTube）动员支持者，对集会进行直播。右翼抗议者是教堂信徒和其他年长公民，左翼大多是年轻进步人士，这已成为对尹锡悦及其政策的一种全民公投。 |
| Left-wing protesters call Mr. Yoon a “national traitor” and demand his impeachment, holding him accountable for policies they see as anti-feminist and anti-journalist; for the crowd crush last fall that killed 159 people; and for his attempt to improve ties with Tokyo, Korea’s historical enemy, despite Japan’s release of treated radioactive water from its Fukushima nuclear power plant. | 左翼抗议者称尹锡悦为“叛国者”，要求弹劾他，并认为他应该为他们所称的反女权、反记者的政策负责，为去年秋天造成159人死亡的踩踏事件负责，为试图改善韩日关系负责，因为尽管日本释放了福岛核电站经过处理的放射性水，但他仍试图与韩国的历史敌人日本改善关系。 |
| But Mr. Yoon has found a sorely needed ally in right-wing, mostly Christian and elderly South Koreans who rally to defend him and the country from “pro-North Korean communists.” That is a Cold War-era moniker that still packs a punch in a country that remains technically at war with North Korea and still enforces a draconian anti-Communist “national security act.” | 但尹锡悦在右翼找到了他非常需要的盟友，这些人大多是基督徒和上了年纪的韩国人，他们团结在他的周围，为他辩护，保护韩国不被“亲朝鲜的共产党人”接管——这个冷战时期的称谓在韩国仍然很有分量，因为严格地说，朝鲜半岛仍然处于战争状态，韩国仍在实行严酷且反共的“国家安全法”。 |
| A typical demonstration features colorful banners and dance troupes romping on a temporary platform as concert speakers dangling from crane trucks blare protest songs. Organizers lead the crowd in chanting slogans, pumping their fists in unison or waving national flags. Peddlers weave through the throng hawking rain cover in summer and plastic cushions in winter. The hourslong rally usually ends with a march. Police officers walk alongside the demonstrations to keep order. | 典型的示威活动包括色彩缤纷的横幅，在临时搭起的台子上跳舞的表演团，挂在吊车上的音乐会扬声器里传出抗议歌曲。组织者们带领着人群高喊口号，一起举起拳头或挥舞国旗。小贩们穿插在人群中，夏季兜售防雨罩，冬季兜售塑料垫。长达数小时的集会通常以游行结束。警察们走在示威者两旁维持秩序。 |
| Most of the rallies don’t make national news. But when they grow in size and intensity, they can herald a political storm ahead. | 大多数集会不会成为全国新闻。但当集会的规模和强度不断扩大时，就有可能预示着一场政治风暴的到来。 |
| Massive protests spearheaded by progressives in 2017 triggered the impeachment of Park Geun-hye, who was then the country’s conservative president. Monthslong protests led by Christian evangelicals galvanized a conservative pushback against Ms. Park’s progressive successor, Moon Jae-in, and helped Mr. Yoon win election as a conservative candidate in 2022. | 2017年，进步人士发起的大规模抗议活动引发了对时任保守派总统朴槿惠的弹劾。基督教福音派人士领导了长达数月的抗议活动激发了保守派对朴槿惠的进步派继任者文在寅的反击，并帮助保守派候选人尹锡悦赢得了2022年的总统大选。 |
| “We cannot hand over our country to North Korea,” said the Rev. Jun Kwang-hoon, the organizer of the largest conservative rallies, during an interview at his Sarang Jeil Presbyterian Church in Seoul. “We church people cannot sit still.” | “我们不能把自己的国家交给朝鲜，”最大的保守派集会组织者全光焄牧师在他的首尔爱心第一长老会教堂接受采访时说。“我们教会的人不能坐视不管。” |
| Until Mr. Jun began mobilizing large conservative rallies several years ago, the outdoor protest scene had been dominated for decades mostly by students and unionized workers who waged often violent campaigns against dictatorship, corruption and inequality. But in this rapidly aging society, the votes of older people wield more power than ever, and conservative churches have the resources to channel their hostility toward North Korea and South Korean progressives who favor inter-Korean reconciliation into a nationwide political movement. | 全光焄几年前开始召集大型保守派集会前，韩国的户外抗议活动几十年来一直由学生和工会工人主导，他们发起反对独裁、反对腐败、反对不平等的运动，这些运动常常是暴力的。但在韩国这个迅速老龄化的社会，年长者的选票比以往任何时候都更有影响力，而保守的教会有资源把他们对朝鲜，以及对支持南北和解的韩国进步人士的敌意转化为全国性的政治斗争。 |
| In sermons and speeches, Mr. Jun has repeatedly warned that if progressives take power, South Korea will be “communized” by North Korea, and China will replace the United States as its main ally. If that happens, he says, there will be “10 million South Koreans massacred” and “another 10 million fleeing to the sea as boat people.” | 全光焄在布道和讲话中已多次警告称，如果进步派人士掌权，韩国将被朝鲜“共产化”，中国将取代美国成为该国的主要盟友。他说，如果这种情况发生，将有“1000万韩国人被屠杀”，还将有“另外1000万韩国人成为从海上出逃的船上难民”。 |
| “I know all this because the Lord told me,” he said during a rally in August, calling himself a “prophet.” | “我知道这一切，因为是主告诉我的，”他在今年8月的一次集会上说，并称自己是“先知”。 |
| Protest rallies in South Korea share elements of the populism sweeping much of the world. Both right- and left-wing activists accuse traditional news media of spreading fake news and political bias. They rely on social media platforms like YouTube for alternative news sources, using them to spread fears that South Korea is being dominated by a deep state (of corrupt conservatives or pro-North Korean progressives, depending on which YouTube channel one listens to). | 韩国的抗议集会带有席卷世界大部分地区的民粹主义元素。右翼和左翼活动人士都指责传统的新闻媒体散布假新闻、带有政治偏见。他们把YouTube等社交媒体平台作为取代传统媒体的新闻来源，用这些平台来散布各种恐惧，比如韩国正在被一个深层政府统治（或被腐败的保守派统治，或被亲朝鲜的进步派统治，取决于你看的是哪个YouTube频道）。 |
| Livestreaming protest rallies has become a staple for partisan YouTube channels. Mr. Jun uses such channels to propagate his viral narratives and draw older people to his rallies. “We must fight through YouTube,” Mr. Jun said during a large indoor gathering of followers, calling them “YouTube patriots.” | 抗议集会的直播已成为带有党派性质的YouTube频道的主要内容。全光焄用这些渠道来散布他快速传播的叙事，吸引年长者参加他的集会。“我们必须使用YouTube来战斗，”全光焄在一次追随者的大型室内集会上说，他称他们为“YouTube爱国者”。 |
| In this social media-obsessed, factionalized country, conservative influencers like Mr. Jun have become so powerful that they helped “radicalize” Mr. Yoon’s government, Ahn Jin-geol, a longtime progressive activist, said in an interview. | 在这个对社交媒体着迷且派系化的国家，全光焄这样的保守派网红的影响力已变得如此之大，以至于他们促进了尹锡悦政府的“激进化”，长期从事进步事业的活动人士安镇杰（音）在接受采访时说。 |
| In recent months, Mr. Yoon has delineated the political divide more bluntly than ever. In a nationally televised speech on Aug. 15, he attacked “anti-state forces” who blindly followed “communist totalitarianism” and “always disguised themselves as democracy activists, human rights advocates or progressive activists while engaging in despicable and unethical tactics and false propaganda.” | 近几个月来，尹锡悦在描述政治分歧时比以往任何时候都更加直截了当。在8月15日的全国电视讲话中，他抨击“反国家势力”，称其盲目追随“共产主义极权制度”，而且“总是把自己伪装成民运人士、人权人士或进步人士，同时干着卑鄙、不道德的事情，从事虚假宣传”。 |
| His remarks were replayed to wild cheers during a conservative rally on the same day. | 他的这番话在同一天的一个保守派集会上重播，引起了人群的疯狂欢呼。 |
| Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the main opposition Democratic Party, has accused Mr. Yoon of depending on “flag-wavers and right-wing YouTube extremists” to sow political polarization. Mr. Lee went on a 24-day hunger strike last month to double down on his claim that Mr. Yoon is splitting the country into friends and foes. | 韩国主要反对党共同民主党领袖李明博指责尹锡悦靠“摇旗呐喊者和YouTube右翼极端分子”煽动政治两极分化。为强调自己的宣言，李明博上个月进行了24天的绝食抗议，他说尹锡悦正在将国家分裂为朋友和敌人。 |
| Progressives rally crowds with a litany of complaints about Mr. Yoon’s government, ranging from inflation (“Everything has increased, except for our wages!”) to the allegation that Mr. Yoon, a former prosecutor general, has used criminal investigations by prosecutors to disgrace his enemies, including unfriendly news media (“Dictatorship by prosecutors!”). | 参加进步人士集会的人群对尹锡悦的政府有一连串的抱怨，从通货膨胀（“除了我们的工资，所有的东西都在涨！”）到指控曾任检察总长的尹锡悦用刑事调查来羞辱他的敌人，包括不友好的新闻媒体（“检察官的独裁！”）。 |
| “Yoon Suk Yeol is nuclear wastewater himself!” read another protest slogan, criticizing his government’s acceptance of Japan’s release of Fukushima water. | “尹锡悦本人就是核废水！”一条批评其政府接受日本释放福岛废水的抗议标语写道。 |
| “From history, we know we can make a decisive change when we join forces out on the streets,” said Lim Jae-kyong, 30, a progressive protester. | “历史告诉我们，当我们在街头联合起来时，我们能带来决定性的变化，”现年30岁的进步派抗议者林在京（音）说。 |
| Progressives’ rallies often employ pageantry, reflecting a celebration of the democracy they won from a past military dictatorship. Singers satirize government policies. Young activists stage song-and-dance performances depicting Mr. Yoon as a clueless drunkard. Families often attend the rallies with children. Some dance while marching. | 进步派的集会常常有华丽的场面，庆祝他们从过去的军事独裁统治下赢得了民主。歌手讽刺政府的政策。年轻的活动人士编排歌舞表演，将尹锡悦描绘成一个无知的酒鬼。参加集会的家庭经常把孩子带来。有些人游行时边走边跳舞。 |
| “Are you ready to have fun?” Ku Bon-ki, a progressive activist, shouted to the crowd during a recent livestreamed rally. “Are you ready to fight?” | “你们准备好尽情欢乐了吗？”进步派活动人士丘本基（音）在最近的一次直播集会上向人群大喊道。“你们准备好战斗了吗？” |
| Conservative rallies are part political, part Christian revival meeting in appearance. As speakers attack prominent progressives — including Mr. Lee of the Democratic Party — with expletive-laden diatribes, labeling them “North Korean spies,” many in the crowd raise their arms and shout “Amen!” or “Hallelujah!” | 从表面上看，保守派的集会部分是政治集会，部分是基督教复兴会。随着讲话者用充满脏字的谩骂攻击包括共同民主党人李明博在内的著名进步人士，给他们贴上“朝鲜间谍”的标签，人群中的许多人举起双臂高喊“阿门！”或“哈利路亚！” |
| But conservatives also energize their gatherings with patriotic songs and pop standards catering to old people, like “What’s Wrong With My Age?” The song’s refrain — “It’s a great age to fall in love” — is changed to “It’s a great age to become a patriot.” | 但保守派也用爱国歌曲和迎合年长者口味的流行歌曲来活跃集会气氛，比如《我这年龄怎么了？》这首歌的副歌——“这是个谈恋爱的好年纪”——被改为“这是个成为爱国者的好年纪”。 |
| Jeong Sook-hee, 54, a day care center worker who recently attended a conservative rally in central Seoul, called the experience “like going to a baseball park,” a reference to South Korea’s boisterous ballgames. | 现年54岁的郑淑姬（音）在一家日托中心工作，她最近参加了首尔市中心的一个保守派集会，她把那次经历称为“像是去看棒球赛”，韩国的棒球赛特别热闹。 |
| “You sing, dance and shout to your heart’s content,” she said. “You relieve stress from the daily grind.” | “大家尽情地唱歌、跳舞、大喊，”她说。“释放日常劳作的压力。” |
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