《等着在夜里被逮捕》:当维吾尔人的生活变成一场噩梦_OK阅读网
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《等着在夜里被逮捕》:当维吾尔人的生活变成一场噩梦
A Uyghur’s Lament for a Persecuted People

来源:纽约时报    2023-08-03 03:44



        WAITING TO BE ARRESTED AT NIGHT: A Uyghur Poet’s Memoir of China’s Genocide, by Tahir Hamut Izgil. Translated by Joshua L. Freeman.
        《等着在夜里被逮捕——维吾尔诗人关于中国种族灭绝的回忆录》(Waiting to Be Arrested at Night: A Uyghur Poet's Memoir of China's Genocide),塔希尔·哈木提·伊兹格尔著,乔舒亚(Joshua L. Freeman)译。
        The Uyghur poet Tahir Hamut Izgil’s new memoir, “Waiting to Be Arrested at Night,” is an outlier among books about human rights. There are no scenes of torture, no violence and few sweeping proclamations about genocide. Izgil writes with calculated restraint. As his title suggests, the terror is in the anticipation.
        维吾尔诗人塔希尔·哈木提·伊兹格尔的新回忆录《等着在夜里被逮捕》是人权书籍中的异类。没有酷刑的场景,没有暴力,也很少有关于种族灭绝的全面声明。伊兹格尔在写作时悉心保持克制。正如他书名所示,恐怖在于对它的期待。
        This is in effect a psychological thriller, although the narrative unfolds like a classic horror movie as relative normalcy dissolves into a nightmare. When the book opens, in 2009, Izgil is living in Urumqi, a city of nearly five million in China’s northwestern Xinjiang region, the traditional homeland of the country’s persecuted Muslim Uyghur minority. At 40, Izgil is happily married with two daughters, his own home and a robust circle of friends. His poetry earns him considerable renown in a culture that reveres the genre, while his work as a film director, eventually at a company he owns, pays the mortgage.
        这如同一部心理惊悚小说,而叙事的展开就像一部经典的恐怖电影——相对正常的生活逐渐变成了噩梦。本书从2009年开始,伊兹格尔住在乌鲁木齐,这座城市位于中国新疆地区,有近500万人口,也是中国受迫害的穆斯林维吾尔少数民族的传统家园。40岁的伊兹格尔婚姻幸福,有两个女儿、自己有房子,还有稳定的朋友圈。在这个崇尚诗歌的文化中,他的诗为他赢得了相当大的声誉,他还是一名电影导演,最终拥有了自己的公司,这份工作为他支付房贷。
        In short, he’s at the top of his game, a precarious position to maintain and one that requires constant vigilance. The political climate is volatile. In July 2009, longstanding tension between the Uyghur and Han Chinese populations in Xinjiang turns violent, leading to riots and nearly 200 deaths, and to a government crackdown.
        简而言之,他正处于人生的巅峰,然而这个位置岌岌可危,需要时刻保持警惕。政治气候动荡不安。2009年7月,新疆维吾尔人和汉人之间的长期紧张关系演变为暴力冲突,导致骚乱和近200人死亡,被政府镇压。
        Izgil is not exactly a dissident, but as a prominent Uyghur intellectual, he has to avoid behavior suggestive of ethnic nationalism in the eyes of the Chinese Communist Party. He knows the risks. In 1996, while trying to cross the border to Kyrgyzstan on his way to study in Turkey, he was arrested on spurious charges of “attempting to take illegal and confidential materials out of the country.” He is pragmatic enough to order baijiu — a potent Chinese alcohol — at a banquet to deflect suspicion that the assembled group of Uyghur poets are “devout Muslims.” But he’s also subversive enough by nature to enjoy a few laughs at the absurdities of the ruling regime.
        伊兹格尔算不上是异见人士,但作为著名维吾尔知识分子,他必须避免中国共产党眼中的民族主义行为。他知道其中的风险。1996年,在前往土耳其学习途中,他在过境前往吉尔吉斯斯坦时,曾因“试图将非法和机密材料带出境”的虚假指控而被捕。他非常务实,在一场宴会上点了白酒——中国的一种烈性酒——以免令人怀疑这群聚在一起的维吾尔诗人是“虔诚的穆斯林”。但他也足够逆反,会嘲笑统治政权的荒谬行为。
        As the crackdown intensifies in 2016, Izgil is astonished to see a neighborhood butcher struggle to carve some mutton with a knife chained to a post — a new requirement intended to keep potential weapons out of the hands of Uyghur “terrorists.” When local shopkeepers are forced to wear red armbands, wield truncheons and whistles, and march around in formation as part of an anti-terrorist measure, he and a friend crack jokes about it. “If practically everyone is now mobilized to preserve stability, where will the violent terrorists come from?” he quips.
        2016年,镇压力度加大,伊兹格尔惊讶地看到附近一位屠夫用拴在柱子上的刀艰难地切羊肉——这是一项新规定,旨在防止潜在的武器落入维吾尔“恐怖分子”手中。作为反恐措施,当地店主被迫戴上红袖章、挥舞警棍和口哨,列队游行,他和一个朋友拿这个开玩笑。“如果现在几乎所有人都动员起来维护稳定,那么暴恐分子从何而来?”他打趣道。
        Before long, the humor dissipates. Checkpoints pop up, where police officers search smartphones for illegal apps, songs or photos. Books are banned, including some, issued by state publishing houses, that had been acceptable in the past. Reports filter in from other towns of mass arrests and of schools and government offices being repurposed as “study centers,” with “iron doors, window bars and barbed wire.” Uyghurs are disappearing into these centers for appearing too religious — for growing a beard or praying several times a day — or for no discernible reason. Some people feel safer in Urumqi, a cosmopolitan city, and comfort themselves with that familiar delusion: It can’t happen here.
        这种幽默没多久就消失了。岗哨突然出现,警察在那里搜查人们智能手机中的非法应用程序、歌曲或照片。过去可以接受的书籍被禁止,包括一些由国家出版社出版的书籍。来自其他城镇的报道称发生大规模逮捕,学校和政府办公室被改造成“学习中心”,配有“铁门、铁窗和铁丝网”。看上去显得过于虔诚的维吾尔人被送进中心,理由是他们蓄须或每天祈祷几次,或者不需要什么原因。有些人觉得在乌鲁木齐这样的大都市更安全,并以那种熟悉的错觉来安慰自己:这种事不可能在这里发生。
        In 2017, Izgil and his wife, Marhaba, get a call instructing them to report to the police station. They give fingerprints and blood samples, and submit to a facial scan. Through a basement corridor, they see a cell outfitted with shackles and one of China’s notorious “tiger chairs,” in which the detained can be kept in excruciating stress positions for days.
        2017年,伊兹格尔和妻子玛尔哈巴接到电话,指示他们去派出所报到。他们提供了指纹和血液样本,并接受面部扫描。穿过地下室走廊,他们看到一间配备了脚镣的牢房和一张中国臭名昭著的“老虎凳”,被拘捕者可能被迫以痛苦的姿势坐在上面,长达几天。
        Izgil starts keeping warm clothing by his bed, anticipating that he might be arrested any night and taken to a cold jail cell. Although neither he nor his wife speaks English, and they are reluctant to leave their homeland, they resolve to emigrate to the United States. But getting out of China is so complicated that only by pretending that their elder daughter needs to be treated for epilepsy — and bribing health care workers to vouch for the diagnosis — do they eventually escape to Washington, D.C.
        伊兹格尔开始在床边准备暖和的衣服,因为他预感到自己可能会在任何一个晚上被捕,被带到冰冷的牢房。尽管他和妻子都不会说英语,也不愿意离开自己的家园,他们还是决心移民到美国。但离开中国的过程非常复杂,他们只能假装大女儿需要接受癫痫治疗,并贿赂医护人员开具诊断结果证明,最终才能逃到华盛顿特区。
        But their departure is no triumph. When Izgil calls his mother after arriving in the United States, the police in China confiscate her cellphone and ID card, returning them only after Izgil’s father and brother sign an affidavit promising never to speak to Izgil again. His friends delete his contact info on WeChat.
        但他们的离开并不是胜利。伊兹格尔抵达美国后给母亲打了电话,随后中国警方没收了她的手机和身份证,直到伊兹格尔的父亲和兄弟签署保证书承诺不再与他通话后才归还。他的朋友删除了他的微信联系方式。
        Despite these precautions, some of his relatives are swept up in the mass detentions that have ensnared more than one million Uyghurs. Izgil cannot enjoy the uneasy freedom of life in the United States. With little English, he supports himself as a driver. As his translator, Joshua L. Freeman, writes in an introduction to the book, “If you took an Uber in Washington, D.C., a few years ago, there was a chance your driver was one of the greatest living Uyghur poets.” Izgil struggles with writer’s block and guilt. “We live with the coward’s shame hidden in that word ‘escape,’” he writes.
        尽管做了这些预防措施,他的一些亲戚还是被卷入令超过100万维吾尔人陷入困境的大规模拘禁。伊兹格尔并不能自在享受美国的自由生活。他几乎不会说英语,当司机养活自己。正如他的翻译乔舒亚在该书的简介中所写,“如果几年前你在华盛顿特区乘坐优步,你的司机有可能是当今最伟大的维吾尔诗人之一。”伊兹格尔与写作障碍和内疚作斗争。“我们生活在懦夫的耻辱中,它藏在‘逃跑’这个词里,”他写道。
        The Uyghur story is maddeningly difficult to tell. Since the wave of violence in 2009, sporadic attacks by Uyghurs on government offices and police stations have made them unpopular among many Chinese, and have limited sympathy for them elsewhere. Last year, the billionaire venture capitalist Chamath Palihapitiya, a part owner of the N.B.A.’s Golden State Warriors, was criticized for commenting, on an episode of his podcast, “All-In,” that “nobody cares about what’s happening to the Uyghurs.”
        讲述维吾尔人的故事难如登天。自2009年暴力浪潮以来,维吾尔人对政府机关和警察局的零星袭击使他们在许多中国人中不受欢迎,并且其他地方的人也对他们没有太多同情。去年,亿万富翁风险投资家、NBA金州勇士队股东之一查马斯·帕里哈皮蒂亚因在他的《All-In》播客中说“没人关心维吾尔人的遭遇”而受到批评。
        Izgil is a soft-spoken poet, not an orator or activist; that’s perhaps one reason his understated account is so effective. A guest (via Zoom) at an international journalism class I taught at Princeton last year, he said that he hadn’t wanted to be reduced to a spokesman for a cause but quickly realized that he was morally obliged to use his talents for this purpose.
        伊兹格尔是一位温文尔雅的诗人,不是演说家或活动人士;这也许就是他低调的叙述如此动人的原因之一。去年他(通过Zoom)在我在普林斯顿大学的国际新闻课上担任嘉宾,他说,他不想沦为某个呼吁的发言人,但他很快意识到,从道义上讲,他有义务将自己的才华用于这一目的。
        There is credible evidence that among the abuses the Chinese have inflicted on the Uyghurs are torture, rape and forced sterilization, but their story is not primarily one of physical harm. It’s about a government controlling its population with propaganda and technology. Although some of the study centers have closed since 2019, mass detention persists, and China is perfecting its surveillance through other measures — smartphones, closed-circuit cameras, facial recognition and other biometric data — while extending its reach far beyond its borders, so that escapees like Izgil cannot communicate with their families. You don’t need bloodshed to instill fear.
        有可靠证据表明,中国对维吾尔人施加的虐待包括酷刑、强奸和强迫绝育,但他们的故事主要并不是身体伤害,而是关于政府通过宣传和技术控制其人口。尽管一些学习中心自2019年以来已经关闭,但大规模拘禁现象依然存在,而且中国正在通过其他措施——智能手机、闭路摄像头、面部识别和其他生物识别数据——完善其监控,同时使其覆盖范围远远超出国界,以便伊兹格尔这样的逃亡者无法与家人联系。不需要流血,也可以灌输恐惧。
        WAITING TO BE ARRESTED AT NIGHT: A Uyghur Poet’s Memoir of China’s Genocide | By Tahir Hamut Izgil | Translated by Joshua L. Freeman | 251 pp. | Penguin Press | $28
        《等着在夜里被逮捕:一位维吾尔诗人关于中国种族灭绝的回忆录》|作者:塔希尔·哈木提·伊兹格尔|乔舒亚译|251页|企鹅出版社|28美元
        
        
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