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| The leaders of South Korea and Japan agreed on Sunday to press ahead with joint efforts to improve bilateral ties despite skeptics at home, declaring that historical differences should not prevent the two nations from working more closely to cope with the growing security challenges from North Korea and China. | 尽管国内持怀疑态度，韩国和日本领导人周日同意继续共同努力改善双边关系，并称历史分歧不应妨碍两国更密切地合作，以应对来自朝鲜和中国日益增长的安全挑战。 |
| Before Prime Minister Fumio Kishida of Japan arrived in Seoul to meet President Yoon Suk Yeol and to nurture a fledgling détente, South Koreans had been waiting intently for what Mr. Kishida might say about Japan’s brutal colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula in the early 20th century. | 在日本首相岸田文雄抵达首尔会见韩国总统尹锡悦、进一步促进刚起步的缓和关系之前，韩国人一直在密切关切岸田文雄会如何评论日本在20世纪初对朝鲜半岛的残酷殖民统治。 |
| Mr. Kishida said Japan stood by the past statements in which some of his predecessors expressed remorse and apologies. But he went no further than that, merely saying that “my heart ached” when he thought of the suffering of the Koreans. | 岸田文雄说，日本坚持他的一些前任在过去表达悔意和道歉的声明。但他没有更进一步，只是说当他想到朝鲜人的苦难时，“我很心痛”。 |
| His words fell short of the clear and direct apology that many South Koreans, including the head of the main opposition party, had demanded. | 他的表态没有达到包括主要在野党领袖在内的许多韩国人的要求，即明确而直接的道歉。 |
| But Mr. Yoon said he would not dwell on seeking such an apology. | 但尹锡悦表示，他不会纠缠于寻求这样的道歉。 |
| “It’s not something we can unilaterally demand; it’s something that should come naturally from the other side’s sincerity,” Mr. Yoon said during a joint news conference with Mr. Kishida. “We must abandon the notion that we cannot take a single step ahead for future cooperation until the past history is resolved.” | “这不是我们可以单方面要求的；这应该随着对方的诚意自然而然地出现，”尹锡悦在与岸田文雄的联合新闻发布会上说。“我们必须摒弃那种想法，即过去的历史问题没有解决就无法迈出未来合作的步伐。” |
| The present moment was too urgent, he suggested. “Both South Korea and Japan face a grave security situation in Northeast Asia, and Prime Minister Kishida and I share the view that we stand at the crossroads of a shift of historic proportions,” he said, referring to the growing nuclear and missile threat from North Korea and the deepening rivalry between the United States and China. “South Korea and Japan, which share common values, must cooperate for joint interests.” | 他暗示，时不待人。他说：“韩国和日本在东北亚都面临着严峻的安全局势，我和岸田首相都认为，我们正处于历史性转变的十字路口。”他指的是朝鲜日益增长的核威胁和导弹威胁以及美中日益加深的竞争。“韩国和日本拥有共同的价值观，两国必须为了共同利益而合作。” |
| Mr. Kishida said he was on the same page, commending the South Korean leader’s “determination and ability to act” to improve bilateral ties. | 岸田文雄表示，他认同这个观点，并赞扬韩国领导人改善双边关系的“决心和行动能力”。 |
| Mr. Kishida’s two-day trip follows a visit in March by Mr. Yoon to Tokyo. It means that shuttle diplomacy between two key U.S. allies is back on track after regular exchanges between the countries’ leaders ended in 2011 over historical differences. Their vows on Sunday to deepen national ties are another encouraging sign for Washington, which has been urging Tokyo and Seoul to let go of past grievances and cooperate more. | 在岸田文雄为期两天的访问之前，尹锡悦于3月访问了东京。这意味着美国两个主要盟友之间的穿梭外交重回正轨，这种两国领导人之间的定期交流在2011年因历史分歧而终止。他们周日发誓要深化两国关系，这对华盛顿来说是另一个令人鼓舞的迹象，华盛顿一直敦促东京和首尔放下过去的恩怨，加强合作。 |
| When he met Mr. Yoon in Washington late last month, President Biden thanked him for his “courageous, principled diplomacy with Japan.” | 拜登总统上个月底在华盛顿会见尹锡悦时，感谢他“对日本进行了勇敢、有原则的外交”。 |
| In March, Mr. Yoon removed a roadblock in relations with Japan when he announced that South Korea would no longer demand Japanese compensation for victims of forced labor during World War II, but would create its own fund for them. He also said later that Japan should no longer be expected to “kneel because of our history 100 years ago.” | 3月，尹锡悦宣布韩国将不再要求日本对“二战”期间的强征劳工进行赔偿，而是由韩国为他们设立基金，从而消除了对日本关系的一个障碍。他后来说，不应再期望日本“因为我们100年前的历史下跪”。 |
| The olive branch to Tokyo is part of Mr. Yoon’s broader efforts to reshape South Korean diplomacy, aligning his country closer to countries with “shared values,” especially the United States, on such things as supply chains and a “free and open” Indo-Pacific. | 向东京伸出的橄榄枝是尹锡悦重塑韩国外交的更广泛努力的一部分，他试图让韩国在供应链和印太地区的“自由开放”等方面更接近具有“共同价值观”的国家，尤其是美国。 |
| Mr. Yoon’s diplomatic concessions have been a political boon for Mr. Kishida at home but have hurt Mr. Yoon in his own country, where he was accused of “traitorous, humiliating diplomacy.” His domestic critics say he gave too much and got too little in return from Japan, which they say has never properly apologized or atoned — a common complaint among many other Asian victims, especially in China and North Korea, of Japan’s World War II aggressions. | 尹锡悦在外交上的让步在日本国内为岸田文雄带来了政治上的好处，但在韩国却给自己带来了损害，被指责为“叛国、屈辱性的外交”。他的国内批评者说，他给的太多，从日本得到的回报太少，他们说日本从未适当道歉或赎罪——这是其他许多亚洲受害国对日本在“二战”期间的侵略行为普遍的抱怨，尤其是在中国和朝鲜。 |
| To many South Koreans, what matters most in relations with Tokyo is how Japanese leaders view its colonial era, a time when Koreans were forced to adopt Japanese names; when schools removed Korean language and history from the curriculum; and when tens of thousands of Korean women were forced into sexual slavery for Japan’s Imperial Army. | 对许多韩国人来说，日韩关系中最重要的是日本领导人如何看待殖民时代。在那个时代，韩国人被迫取日本名字；学校取消了韩语和历史课程；上万韩国女性被迫成为日本皇军的性奴。 |
| On Sunday, the political opposition accused Mr. Yoon of “speaking on Japan’s behalf,” rather than for his own people. | 周日，政治反对派指责尹锡悦“代表日本说话”，而不是为本国人民说话。 |
| “Why should the abandonment of history be the condition for putting diplomacy back on track?” said Kang Sunwoo, a spokeswoman for the main opposition Democratic Party. “History is not a thing of the past. It is an ongoing matter of universal human rights.” | “为什么要把放弃历史作为外交重回正轨的条件？”主要反对党共同民主党的发言人姜仙佑说。“历史不是过去的事。这是一个持续存在的普遍人权问题。” |
| Although Mr. Kishida did not deliver a new apology, he and Mr. Yoon did agree on more steps toward healing historical wounds and improving ties. At Sunday’s news conference, they said that when Mr. Yoon attends the Group of 7 summit meeting this month in Hiroshima, he and Mr. Kishida will visit a monument to Korean victims of the 1945 atomic bombing. | 岸田文雄没有发表新的道歉声明，但他和尹锡悦确实同意采取更多措施，治愈历史创伤，改善关系。在周日的新闻发布会上，他们说，尹锡悦出席本月在广岛举行的七国集团峰会时，将和岸田文雄一起参观一座纪念1945年原子弹爆炸中的韩国受难者纪念碑。 |
| Mr. Kishida also said Japan would allow South Korean experts to inspect the tsunami-destroyed Fukushima nuclear power plant to ensure that a planned release of a million tons of water from there into the sea was safe. | 岸田文雄还说，日本将允许韩国专家检查被海啸摧毁的福岛核电站，以确保计划从那里向大海排放的100万吨水是安全的。 |
| “Kishida, as expected, made a reference to the past that lacked clarity,” said Lee Junghwan, an expert in Korea-Japan relations at Seoul National University, after the summit meeting. “He was playing it safe, mindful of his domestic audience in Japan but also not saying anything that would provoke South Koreans.” | “不出所料，岸田文雄提到过去时缺乏明确性，”首尔大学韩日关系专家李正焕（音）在峰会结束后表示。“考虑到在日本国内的受众，他出言谨慎，但也没有说任何会激怒韩国人的话。” |
| The last time a Japanese leader visited South Korea, the relationship was so bad that the prime minister, Shinzo Abe, remained pointedly seated during a standing ovation as North and South Korean Olympians marched together during the opening ceremony of the Pyeongchang Olympics in 2018. | 上一次日本领导人访问韩国时，两国关系非常糟糕，以至于在2018年平昌冬奥会开幕式上，当朝韩选手一起入场时，观众纷纷起立鼓掌，日本首相安倍晋三却仍然刻意坐在座位上。 |
| Mr. Kishida, traveling amid a more amicable mood, has said he wants to “add momentum” to the improving relations. But few analysts believed that decades-long tensions would disappear easily, given political pressure at home for both leaders. | 岸田文雄在一种更为友好的气氛中出访，他表示希望为两国不断改善的关系“增添动力”。但是，考虑到两国领导人在国内面临的政治压力，几乎没有分析人士相信两国数十年来的紧张关系会轻易消失。 |
| “More than 90 percent of our bilateral relationship is domestic politics,” said Kunihiko Miyake, a former Japanese diplomat. “So South Koreans cannot pardon us. They will continue to pressure us, and they want to maintain these sort of relations forever by moving the goal posts.” | “我们的双边关系之中，90%以上是国内政治，”前日本外交官宫家邦彦说。“所以韩国人不能原谅我们。他们将继续向我们施压，他们希望通过不断改变球门柱来永远维持这种关系。” |
| For his part, Mr. Kishida needs the support of right-leaning politicians in Japan, who are among the most influential in selecting party leaders. | 岸田文雄需要日本右翼政治人士的支持，这些人在选择政党领导人方面是最有影响力的。 |
| Yet Tokyo may be considering how to navigate subtle pressure from the United States, analysts said. | 然而，分析人士表示，东京可能正在考虑如何应对来自美国的微妙压力。 |
| Mr. Biden’s praise of Mr. Yoon’s diplomacy was “a kind of message not only to President Yoon but to Kishida,” said Junya Nishino, a law professor at Keio University in Tokyo. | 东京庆应义塾大学法学教授西野纯也说，拜登对尹锡悦外交的赞扬“不仅是给尹锡悦总统的一种信息，也是给岸田文雄的一种信息”。 |
| Mr. Yoon’s determination to improve ties with Tokyo is backed in part by shifting public opinion in South Korea. In recent surveys, China has replaced Japan as the country regarded least favorably, especially by younger people. | 尹锡悦改善对日关系的决心在一定程度上得到了韩国公众舆论转变的支持。在最近的调查中，中国已经取代日本成为最不受欢迎的国家，尤其是在年轻人当中。 |
| But South Korean misgivings about Japan have deeper roots than Mr. Yoon may like to believe, analysts say. A survey in March found that 64 percent of South Korean respondents saw no need to hurry to improve ties unless Japan changed its attitude on history. | 但分析人士说，韩国对日本的担忧有可能比尹锡悦愿意相信的要更为强烈。今年3月的一项调查发现，64%的韩国受访者认为，除非日本改变对历史的态度，否则没有必要急于改善两国关系。 |
| Prof. Alexis Dudden at the University of Connecticut, an expert on Korea-Japan relations, cautioned Seoul, Tokyo and Washington against treating “history as mere background music to the present and irrelevant to how it informs immediate concerns — in this instance, standing firm on North Korea and increasingly on China, too.” | 康涅狄格大学教授、韩日关系专家亚历克西斯·杜登告诫首尔、东京和华盛顿，不要“把历史仅仅当作眼前的背景音乐，觉得它无法反映当前的关切——在当前的情况下，当前的关切就是坚定对朝鲜的立场，并且日益坚定对中国的立场”。 |
| As the history of the ties between South Korea and Japan has repeatedly shown, a reconciliatory move over one historical dispute accomplishes little if another dispute, such as over the territorial rights over a set of islets between the two nations, is rekindled. | 正如韩日关系的历史一再表明的那样，如果在一个历史争端上采取和解行动，而另一个争端——比如两国之间一系列小岛的领土权问题——再度燃起，那么先前的和解行动就不会有什么效果。 |
| “The history issues have a way of coming back and biting you in the rear end,” said Daniel Sneider, a lecturer of East Asian studies at Stanford University. “These aren’t just issues of short-term public opinion. They are matters of identity in Korea.” | “历史问题总有办法反噬你，”斯坦福大学东亚研究讲师丹尼尔·斯奈德说。“这些不仅仅是短期公众舆论的问题。这是韩国的身份问题。” |
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