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| The Chinatown area of Sunset Park, Brooklyn, was long a Democratic stronghold. The party’s candidates would often receive more than 70 percent of the vote there. Last year, however, the neighborhood underwent a political transformation. |
| 布鲁克林日落公园华埠一带向来是一座民主党堡垒。该党的候选人通常会在那里获得70%以上的选票。然而，这个社区在去年经历了一次政治变革。 |
| Lee Zeldin, the Republican nominee for governor, managed to win Sunset Park’s Chinatown, receiving more votes than Gov. Kathy Hochul. This map, by my colleague Jason Kao, shows the change: |
| 共和党州长候选人李修顿(Lee Zeldin)在日落公园华埠赢得了更多选票，超过州长凯西·霍格尔。这张由我的同事高宇杰绘制的地图显示了变化： |
| This shift is part of a national story. In the past two elections — 2020 and 2022 — Asian Americans have moved toward the right, according to election returns and exit polls. Democrats still won Asian voters by a wide margin in last year’s midterms but by less than in the recent past: |
| 这一转变是一种全国性趋势的一部分。根据选举结果和出口民调，在过去的两次选举（2020年和2022年）中，亚裔美国人都在向右转。在去年的中期选举中，民主党仍然以较大优势赢得了亚洲选民，但与近年的选举相比优势较小。 |
| In Texas, Gov. Greg Abbott, the Republican incumbent, beat Beto O’Rourke among Asian voters, 52 percent to 46 percent, and Texas House Republicans also did well, according to polls by the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund. In statewide races in Florida and Georgia, the Republican candidates received at least one-third of the vote, substantially more than in previous elections. |
| 根据亚裔美国法律辩护和教育基金会的民调，在得克萨斯州，现任州长、共和党人格雷格·阿博特在亚裔选民中以52%对46%击败了贝托·欧洛克，得州众议院共和党人也表现不错。在佛罗里达州和佐治亚州的州级选举中，共和党候选人获得了至少三分之一的选票，大大超过以往。 |
| The Times has just published a series of maps and charts focusing on New York City neighborhoods where most eligible voters are of Asian descent, including Sunset Park, Flushing and Manhattan’s Chinatown. Jason told me that he had started thinking about this subject after his father, who rarely talks about politics, said that he had voted for Zeldin. Later, Jason saw a post-election map of New York and was shocked to see that some of the Chinatown neighborhoods where he grew up were colored red. |
| 时报发布了一系列地图和图表，重点关注纽约市亚裔选民最多的社区，包括日落公园、法拉盛和曼哈顿华埠。高宇杰告诉我，在他很少谈论政治的父亲说自己投票给李修顿之后，他开始思考这个问题。后来，高宇杰看到了一张大选后的纽约地图，他震惊地发现，他从小长大的一些华埠社区被染成了红色。 |
| As Aminta Kilawan-Narine, a community activist who was raised in South Richmond Hill, which is home to a large Indian American population, told Jason, “I’ve never seen so many signs for a Republican governor in the areas I grew up in.” She was one of the local leaders, academic researchers and political officials whom Jason interviewed, and he heard a few points repeatedly from those experts: |
| 在大量印度裔美国人聚居的南里士满山长大的社区活动人士阿米塔·基拉万-纳林也告诉高宇杰，“在我长大的地区，我从未见过这么多支持共和党州长的标志。”她是高宇杰采访的当地领导人、学术研究人员和政治官员之一，他从这些专家口中反复听到了一些观点： |
| • Republican campaigns have recently increased their outreach to Asian voters, while Democratic candidates had grown complacent. |
| • 共和党竞选团队最近加强了对亚裔选民的宣传，民主党候选人则变得自满。 |
| • Education issues hurt Democrats. Asian voters have been unhappy with proposals to change the rules for magnet high schools like Stuyvesant that admit children based on test scores. Many students at those schools come from lower-income Asian families. |
| • 教育问题伤害了民主党人。亚裔选民一直对史岱文森高中等热门高中改变依考试成绩录取学生规则的提案感到不满。这些学校的许多学生来自低收入的亚裔家庭。 |
| • Perhaps most important, the Republicans’ anti-crime message resonated, following increases in both citywide crime and anti-Asian violence. Lester Chang, a military veteran and a new Republican member of the New York State Assembly, said that the overwhelming reason he won a Brooklyn district — beating a Democratic incumbent who had held the seat for 36 years — was crime. |
| • 或许最重要的是，在全市范围内的犯罪和反亚裔暴力都有所增加之后，共和党人的反犯罪表态引起了共鸣。退伍军人、纽约州议会新任共和党议员郑永佳说，他在布鲁克林选区赢得选举，击败了已在该选区任职36年的民主党人，其压倒性原因是犯罪问题。 |
| • Asian Americans are politically diverse. The most heavily Democratic groups include those of Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Arab descent. The least Democratic group is Vietnamese Americans, followed by Korean, Cambodian and Filipino Americans. |
| • 亚裔美国人在政治上是多元化的。最倾向民主党的群体包括印度、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国和阿拉伯裔。最不倾向于民主党的群体是越南裔美国人，其次是韩国、柬埔寨和菲律宾裔美国人。 |
| Upscale Democrats |
| 高端化的民主党人 |
| Nationally, the rightward drift of Asian voters is connected to a new class divide in American politics. The Democratic Party, especially its liberal wing, has increasingly come to reflect the views of college-educated professionals. This development has had some benefits for Democrats, helping them win more suburban voters and flip Arizona and Georgia in recent elections. |
| 在全国范围内，亚裔选民的右倾倾向与美国政治中新的阶级分化有关。民主党，特别是其中的自由派，越来越多地反映受过大学教育的专业人士观点。这种发展对民主党人有一些好处，帮助他们在最近的选举中赢得更多的郊区选民，并在亚利桑那州和佐治亚州获胜。 |
| To a growing number of working-class voters, however, the newly upscale version of the party has become less appealing. The trend has long been evident among white working-class voters, and many liberal analysts have claimed that it mostly reflects racial bigotry. But recent developments have weakened that argument. Class appears to be an important factor as well. Since 2018, more Asian and Latino voters have supported Republicans, and these voters appear to be disproportionately working-class. |
| 然而，对于越来越多的工薪阶层选民来说，这个新的高端版民主党已经变得不那么有吸引力了。长期以来，这种趋势在白人工薪阶层选民中一直很明显，许多自由派分析人士声称，这主要反映了种族偏见。但最近的事态发展削弱了这一论点。阶级似乎也是一个重要因素。自2018年以来，越来越多的亚裔和拉丁裔选民支持共和党，这些选民中工薪阶层比例极高。 |
| The Pew Research Center has conducted a detailed analysis of the electorate and categorized about 8 percent of voters as belonging to “the progressive left.” This group spans all races, but it is disproportionately white — and upper-income. True, a large number of Democrats, including many Black voters, are more moderate. But the progressive left has an outsize impact partly because of its strong presence in institutions with access to political megaphones, like advocacy groups, universities, media organizations and Hollywood. |
| 皮尤研究中心对选民进行了详细分析，将大约8%的选民归类为“进步左翼”。这一群体涵盖了所有种族，但其中白人和高收入群体比例过高。的确，很多民主党人，包括许多黑人选民，都比较温和。但进步左翼具有巨大的影响力，部分原因是它在倡导团体、大学、媒体机构和好莱坞等能够接触到政治扩音器的机构中，拥有强大的影响力。 |
| The Covid era |
| 新冠时代 |
| The shift of Asian and Latino voters has coincided with a period when the progressive left has become bolder and shaped the Democrats’ national image. The shift has also coincided with the pandemic and its aftermath. |
| 亚裔和拉丁裔选民的转变正值进步左翼变得更加大胆，塑造了民主党国家形象的时期。这种转变也与大流行及其余波同时发生。 |
| Progressives supported extended Covid school closures — which were easier for white-collar parents to manage — and often excoriated people who favored a return to normal activities. As crime surged during the pandemic, progressives often downplayed the importance of the trend even as it alarmed many people of color. “Being Asian, I felt I had a bigger target on my back,” Karen Wang, 48, a Queens resident and lifelong Democrat who voted Republican last year, told The Times. |
| 进步派人士支持延长新冠期间学校关闭时间——这对白领父母来说相对好应付一些——并经常批评那些支持恢复正常活动的人。随着大流行期间犯罪率激增，进步人士经常淡化这一趋势的重要性，即使这让许多有色人种感到震惊。“作为亚裔，我觉得我更有可能成为受害者，”48岁的凯伦·王（音）对时报说。她是皇后区的居民，一生都是民主党人，去年投票给了共和党。 |
| Immigration may also play a role. Democratic leaders like Barack Obama once emphasized the importance of border security. Today, many Democrats are uncomfortable talking about almost any immigration restrictions. In Texas, polls show, immigration concerns have driven some Latino voters toward Republicans. |
| 移民也可能起到一定作用。贝拉克·奥巴马等民主党领导人曾经强调过边境安全的重要性。如今，许多民主党人在谈论几乎任何移民限制时都显得不自在。民调显示，在得克萨斯州，对移民问题的担忧促使一些拉丁裔选民支持共和党。 |
| Then there are the debates over language. In the name of inclusion and respect, some progressives have argued that common terms such as “pregnant women,” “the poor” and “Latinos” are offensive. Many voters find these arguments befuddling and irrelevant to their everyday concerns. |
| 还有关于语言的争论。在包容和尊重的名义下，一些进步人士认为，“孕妇”(pregnant women)、“穷人”(the poor)和“拉美人”(Latinos)等常见词语是冒犯性质的。许多选民认为这些论点令人费解，与他们的日常关切无关。 |
| Beyond individual policy issues, working-class voters tend to have a different worldview than much of the modern Democratic Party. They are often more religious and more patriotic. In a Times poll last year, only 26 percent of Democratic voters with a bachelor’s degree described the U.S. as the greatest country in the world; more than half of voters without a bachelor’s degree gave that answer. |
| 除了个别政策问题之外，工薪阶层选民的世界观往往与现代民主党中的许多人不同。前者通常更虔诚，更爱国。在时报去年的一项民意调查中，拥有学士学位的民主党选民中，只有26%的人认为美国是世界上最伟大的国家；在没有学士学位的选民中，超过一半的人给出了这样的答案。 |
| The Republican Party obviously has its own problems with swing voters, including Asian Americans. Donald Trump has promoted white nationalism, and his descriptions of Covid fed anti-Asian racism. The Republican Party favors abortion bans, while most voters favor significant access to abortion. Many Republican politicians also oppose popular economic policies, like caps on medical costs. |
| 在摇摆选民方面，共和党显然有自己的问题，包括亚裔。唐纳德·特朗普推动了白人民族主义，他对新冠疫情的描述助长了反亚裔种族主义。共和党倾向于禁止堕胎，而大多数选民则希望大幅增加堕胎的可及性。许多共和党政治人物还反对受欢迎的经济政策，比如医疗费用上限。 |
| Given the radicalism of today’s Republican Party, liberals had hoped that Asian and Latino voters would help usher in an era of Democratic dominance. And maybe that will happen one day. But it is not happening yet. Instead, Democrats’ struggles with Latino and Asian voters have helped Republicans solidify their hold on states where Democrats had hoped to start winning by now, like Texas, Florida and North Carolina. |
| 鉴于今天共和党的激进主义，自由派曾希望亚裔和拉丁裔选民能帮助开启一个民主党主导的时代。也许这一天迟早会到来。但现在还没有。相反，民主党在拉丁裔和亚裔选民中遇到的困难，帮助共和党巩固了对得克萨斯州、佛罗里达州和北卡罗来纳州等地的控制，民主党原本希望可以开始在这些地方获胜。 |
| To a growing number of working-class voters, the Democratic Party looks even more flawed than the alternative. |
| 对越来越多的工薪阶层选民来说，民主党看起来比共和党的缺陷更大。 |
| For more: Jason’s article compares the trends in New York’s majority Asian precincts with the trends in majority Black, Latino and white precincts. You can see his charts and maps here. |
| 更多信息：高宇杰的文章比较了纽约以亚裔为主的选区与以黑人、拉丁裔和白人为主的选区的趋势。你可以在这里看到他制作的图表和地图。 |
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