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| The political candidates represented the vanguard of Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement. Numbering in the dozens, they had planned to run for the city’s legislature in 2020, after months of turbulent protests calling for greater freedom from China. | 这些政治候选人代表了香港民主运动的先锋。2020年，数十人计划竞选香港的立法机关，此前，香港经历了数月的动荡抗议，要求从中国获得更大的自由。 |
| By the time the election was held, more than a year later, none of the candidates could run. Most were in jail, where many still languish today, charged with subversion in the largest case yet involving the national security law Beijing imposed on the city in 2020. Their arrests laid bare the lengths to which China’s government would go to crush dissent in Hong Kong, which was long accustomed to many of the freedoms of speech and assembly found in the West. | 一年多后举行选举时，他们当中无人能够参选。大多数人入狱，许多人至今仍在监狱里受苦，他们被控颠覆国家政权罪，这是迄今为止涉及北京2020年对香港实施的国家安全法的最大案件。他们的被捕暴露出中国政府镇压香港异议的不遗余力，香港长期以来习惯于拥有许多常见于西方的言论和集会自由。 |
| After years of fits and starts, the trial involving the 47 pro-democracy lawmakers, academics and activists began on Monday at a courthouse in Hong Kong amid tight security. Large police vehicles lined the roads nearby as a line of more than 100 people snaked around the courthouse in the early morning, waiting to enter. Because there were so many defendants, the court broadcast the proceedings into several other rooms. | 经过多年时断时续的进展，涉及47名亲民主立法者、学者和活动人士的审判于周一在香港一家安保严密的法院开始。一大早，100多人在法院外排起蜿蜒的长队等待进入，附近的道路停满大型警车。由于被告人数众多，法院在另外几个房间转播了庭审过程。 |
| Of the 47 defendants, only 16 are contesting the charges. The rest entered guilty pleas, including Joshua Wong, one of the most globally recognized Hong Kong pro-democracy figures, and Benny Tai, a former law professor. As one of the defendants, Ng Kin-wai, a former district official, took the stand, he declared, sarcastically: “I tried to commit subversion against the totalitarian regime, but failed. I plead guilty.” | 在47名被告中，只有16人对指控提出异议，其余人都表示认罪，其中包括全球最知名的香港民主派人士之一黄之锋和前法学教授戴耀廷。作为被告之一，前区议员伍健伟出庭，他讽刺地宣称：“我试图颠覆极权政权，但失败了。我认罪。” |
| Most of the defendants, if not all, are expected to receive prison sentences, which could range from less than three years to life. | 预计大多数甚至所有被告都将被判处有期徒刑，刑期从三年以下到终身监禁不等。 |
| “The trial of the 47 represents a turning point in the crackdown because it reveals the true purpose of the national security law,” said Victoria Hui, an associate professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame who studies Hong Kong. | “对47人的审判代表了镇压的一个转折点，因为它揭示了国家安全法的真正目的，”研究香港的圣母大学政治学副教授许田波说。 |
| “They’re not targeting a small minority of people throwing petrol bombs,” Professor Hui said. “Those people have already been arrested. Instead, they’re targeting the legitimate opposition, people who believed there was still a little bit left to defend of Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom.” | “他们不是针对一小部分扔汽油弹的人，”许田波说。“那些人已经被逮捕了。相反，他们针对的是合法的反对派，那些认为还有一点余地可以捍卫香港自治和自由的人。” |
| Already, the defendants’ arrests and lengthy detention have dealt a blow to the remaining vestiges of civil society. The 47 defendants, who comprise 42 opposition candidates and five election organizers, come from a cross-section of Hong Kong — politicians, academics, union organizers and journalists. | 被告的逮捕和长期拘留已经对残存的公民社会造成了打击。47名被告包括42名反对党候选人和五名选举组织者，他们来自香港的各个阶层——政治人物、学者、工会组织者和记者。 |
| They include Claudia Mo, 66, a veteran journalist-turned-politician known to many as “Auntie Mo”; Eddie Chu, 45, a former legislator and early champion of the city’s “localist” movement, which aimed to preserve Hong Kong’s identity; Carol Ng, 52, an ex-flight attendant and labor activist; and Gwyneth Ho, 32, a former journalist, who famously reported from the scene of a mob attack on antigovernment demonstrators trapped in a subway station. | 他们包括66岁的毛孟静，她从资深记者转型为参政者，被许多人称为“毛姨姨”；朱凯廸，45岁，前立法会议员，也是香港“本土行动”的早期倡导者，该运动旨在维护香港的身份认同；吴敏儿，52岁，前空姐和劳工活动人士；以及32岁的何桂蓝，她曾是一名记者，因在现场报道过暴民袭击被困地铁站的反政府示威者而知名。 |
| To take stock of the group’s plight is to recognize how much Hong Kong has been transformed since pro-democracy protests erupted in 2019. | 盘点这群人的困境，就能理解到自2019年民主抗议活动爆发以来，香港发生了多大的变化。 |
| China’s subsequent crackdown brought changes that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago: an ideological makeover of the public education system; the demise of one of Asia’s most staunchly independent media industries; the arrest of Hong Kong’s highest-ranking Roman Catholic cleric, the nonagenarian Cardinal Joseph Zen; and the erasure of political opposition in Hong Kong’s legislature, paving the way for passage of pro-Beijing laws like a “patriots only” litmus test for political candidates. The high degree of autonomy Hong Kong was promised for 50 years after Britain returned the former colony to China in 1997 has all but eroded. | 中国随后的镇压带来了几年前无法想象的变化：公共教育系统的意识形态改造；亚洲最坚定的独立媒体行业之一的消亡；香港最高级别的罗马天主教神职人员、九十多岁的枢机主教陈日君被捕；以及香港立法机构中的政治反对派被消除，为亲北京的立法铺平道路，例如对政治候选人进行“爱国者治港”的资格审查。这个英国前殖民地于1997年归还中国后，北京承诺50年不变的高度自治权几乎被侵蚀殆尽。 |
| No change, however, has been more dramatic than those taking place in Hong Kong’s legal system, which has been superseded by the national security law — a harsh reality being felt acutely by the 47 democrats. | 然而，没有比香港法律体系发生的变化更引人注目的了，香港的法律体系已被国家安全法所取代——47名民主人士正深切地感受到这个严酷的现实。 |
| They are charged with trying to subvert state power for their roles in an unofficial “primary election.” The poll was an attempt by the opposition to select its best candidates, as part of a last-ditch effort to win enough seats in the legislature to block the government’s budget. The budget maneuver, sanctioned under Hong Kong law, could have dissolved the legislature and forced Carrie Lam, then the city’s top official, to step down. | 他们因在非官方的民主派“初选”中起到的作用而被控试图颠覆国家政权。那次民意调查是反对派选出最佳候选人的一次尝试，作为在立法机构中赢得足够席位以阻止政府预算的最后努力的一部分。根据香港法律，否决预算案可能会使立法机关解散，并迫使时任香港最高官员的林郑月娥下台。 |
| Nearly three-quarters of the 47 democrats are currently in jail — and, in most cases, have been since they were formally charged nearly two years ago, on Feb. 28, 2021. Such long detention is unusual for Hong Kong, where defendants in other types of cases are often able to get bail. The national security law’s sweeping provisions, however, include a high threshold for bail, which in effect lets the authorities hold defendants for months or even years before trial. Critics say that amounts to a presumption that defendants are guilty. | 这47名民主派人士中有近四分之三的人目前正被拘禁，其中大多都是在近两年前，即2021年2月28日遭正式起诉的。如此长时间的拘禁在香港是不同寻常的，在其他类型的案件中，被告往往能够获得保释。然而，国安法的全面规定包括极高的保释门槛，实际上允许当局在审判前将被告关押数月乃至数年。批评人士称，这相当于推定被告罪名成立。 |
| Supporters of the activists say their detention has caused enormous mental strain, particularly for those held in solitary confinement. Some of them are already in prison, serving sentences on other charges. Sam Cheung, a 27-year-old elected official representing a small district, missed the birth of his first child. Tiffany Yuen, 29, another district official, was not permitted to leave prison for the funeral of her grandmother. | 这些活动人士的支持者说，尤其是对那些被单独关押的人来说，拘禁造成了巨大的精神压力。其中一些人已经因其他罪名入狱服刑。代表一个小规模选区的27岁民选区议员张可森错过了他第一个孩子的出生。另一名29岁的区议员袁嘉蔚被禁止离开监狱参加祖母的葬礼。 |
| Mr. Tai, the former law professor, is expected to receive the harshest sentence at the end of the 90-day trial because of his role devising the plan to hold the primary election. | 因其在制定初选计划上发挥的作用，前法学教授戴耀廷预计将在为期90天的审判结束时获得最严厉的判决。 |
| The security law requires judges to impose minimum sentences anywhere from three to 10 years, but defendants can receive lighter punishments if they testify against others. Prosecutors have already indicated that three of the 47 democrats who helped organize the primary had agreed to provide testimony. | 根据国安法规定，法官可判处三至10年不等的最低刑期，但如果被告指证他人，则可从轻处罚。检方已经表示，47名民主派中已有三人同意提供证词。 |
| Activists and legal experts say the strategy is designed to sow mistrust among the defendants and, combined with the grueling detentions, break their morale, to make them more willing to cooperate with prosecutors. The coercive tactic, scholars say, highlights another way that Hong Kong is adopting norms from mainland China. | 活动人士和法律专家表示，这样的策略是为了在被告之间播下不信任的种子，加之条件艰苦的拘禁，从而打击他们的士气，让他们更愿意与检方合作。学者称，这种胁迫策略凸显了香港承袭大陆规范的另一种方式。 |
| “So far as you get a guilty plea, that gives the regime the opportunity to make the point that these wrongdoers have known the error in their ways,” said Eva Pils, a law scholar at Kings College London who studies China. | “只要你认罪，就让政权有机会表明，这些不法分子已经知错，”伦敦国王学院研究中国问题的法律学者艾华(Eva Pils)表示。 |
| By pressuring the defendants individually, the authorities also undermine the democracy movement overall, said Ted Hui, a former lawmaker who fled Hong Kong a month before the 47 were arrested. | 在这47人被捕前一个月逃离香港的前立法会议员许智峰说，通过向被告个人施压，当局也打击了整个民主运动。 |
| While acknowledging the emotional distress the group was under, Mr. Hui said that for any defendant to provide evidence that could implicate another would amount to a betrayal. | 许智峰承认，这群人正承受着精神上的痛苦，但他表示，只要被告供出可能牵连他人的证据，这种行为都相当于背叛。 |
| “I understand the circumstances, but I’m still angry and heartbroken,” Mr. Hui said by telephone from Adelaide, Australia. “I also cannot say it’s entirely their fault, because the circumstances are created by the pressures of the regime. This has hurt the democracy movement. That is one of the goals achieved by the regime — to divide us.” | “我理解他们的处境，但仍然感到愤怒和痛心，”许智峰在澳大利亚阿德莱德接受电话采访时表示。“我也不能说都是他们的错，因为这是政府的压力造成的。这伤害了民主运动。政权已经达到了他们的一个目的，那就是分裂我们。” |
| The trial has stirred difficult and complicated emotions within the small community of lawmakers and activists who were able to flee Hong Kong before they could be arrested. | 对于在被捕之前得以逃离香港的小部分立法会议员和活动人士，这场审判激起了他们苦涩而复杂的情绪。 |
| Nathan Law, a prominent pro-democracy advocate and candidate in the primary election who escaped days before the passage of the national security law, said it was painful to read about close friends and fellow activists such as Mr. Wong facing long prison terms. | 罗冠聪是著名民主倡导者和初选候选人，他在国安法通过的前几天逃离。听说好友及活动伙伴将面临长期监禁，他的感受是痛苦的。 |
| “They were just participating in a primary election,” Mr. Law said from London. “None of us would think of that as something that would be named as subversion that could lead to years of imprisonment.” | “他们只不过参加了一场初选，”身处伦敦的罗冠聪说。“谁都没有想到这会被冠上颠覆的帽子，可能引来多年牢狱之灾。” |
| “Through these cases, you also understand that the Hong Kong we used to know is gone,” he said. | “通过这些案件，你也能明白，我们所知的香港已经不复存在，”他说。 |
| The trial of the 47 is one of several national security cases winding their way through Hong Kong’s courts. Few have attracted more attention than that of Jimmy Lai, the 75-year-old founder of the tabloid newspaper Apple Daily, which was forced to close down in 2021. Mr. Lai, a longtime critic of China’s ruling Communist Party, has been serving a five-year, nine-month sentence on what human rights groups say are trumped-up charges of fraud. He is also facing trial on the national security offense of colluding with foreign forces. | 对这47人的审判是香港法庭审理的多起国家安全案件之一。其中受关注最多者莫过于75岁的《苹果日报》创始人黎智英，这份小报于2021年被迫停刊。长期以来，黎智英一直是中国执政的共产党的批评者，他被判处五年零九个月的有期徒刑，人权组织称他受到了莫须有的欺诈指控。他还面临勾结境外势力危害国家安全的罪名。 |
| The ratcheting-up of prosecutions marks the beginning of a new, more authoritarian era in Hong Kong, observers say, one in which political persecution will be used to strike fear in people so that few will consider protesting or challenging Beijing’s authority again. | 观察人士表示，越来越多的起诉标志着香港进入了一个更加威权主义的新时代。在这个时代，政治迫害将被用来制造恐惧，让愿意抗议或挑战北京权威的人越来越少。 |
| “What they’re trying to do is to redraw the lines of acceptable, peaceful political activity,” said Thomas Kellogg, the executive director of the Center for Asian Law. | “他们想要实现的是重新划定和平政治活动的可接受范围，”亚洲法律中心执行主任托马斯·凯洛格说。 |
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