中美竞争、政变与民主:一个太平洋小国的选举为何成为国际焦点_OK阅读网
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中美竞争、政变与民主:一个太平洋小国的选举为何成为国际焦点
In Fiji’s Closely Observed Election, the Incumbent Takes the Lead

来源:纽约时报    2022-12-15 03:29



        It was a clash between two former coup leaders, set against the backdrop of a remote and palm-fringed vacation destination that has, of late, taken on outsized importance in a battle for primacy in the Pacific between the United States and China. And with the country’s military constitutionally permitted to intervene if it saw fit, the contest had the potential to become volatile.
        这是两位前政变领导人之间的交锋,地点位于一个棕榈树环绕的偏远度假胜地。最近在美国和中国争夺太平洋主导权的斗争中,这个度假胜地变得格外重要。由于该国宪法允许军方在它认为合适的情况下出手干预,这场竞争有可能变得动荡不安。
        So, as voters went to the polls for a general election on Wednesday, international focus turned to Fiji, an island nation whose history of stormy politics is exemplified by four coups between 1987 and 2006. This was the country’s third general election since democratic voting was reintroduced to the Constitution in 2013.
        因此,当选民在周三进行总统选举投票时,国际焦点转向了斐济。发生在1987年至2006年之间的四次政变,体现了岛国斐济激烈的政治历史。自从2013年民主投票被重新写入宪法,这是该国第三次大选。
        In the first results of the evening, released more than an hour later than expected, Sitiveni Rabuka, the leader of the People’s Alliance party — who led Fiji’s first coup in 1987 — appeared on his way to victory against the strongman incumbent, Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama. Mr. Bainimarama, widely known by the first name Frank, himself seized power with the help of the military in 2006, before winning democratic elections in 2014 and 2018.
        当晚首批结果的公布时间比预期晚了一个多小时,在1987年领导斐济第一次政变的人民联盟党领导人西蒂韦尼·兰布卡似乎有望战胜现任强人总理乔萨亚·沃伦盖·姆拜尼马拉马。姆拜尼马拉马通常被称为弗兰克,在2014年和2018年赢得民主选举之前,于2006年在军方的帮助下掌权。
        Then suddenly, the country’s election results app went down altogether, and the provisional count stopped being released. When results came back online, Mr. Rabuka’s significant lead had vanished.
        然后突然间,这个国家的选举结果应用程序完全宕机,临时计票也停止发布了。当结果重新上线时,兰布卡的大幅领先优势消失了。
        “The situation occurred because of the termination of a data transfer,” Mohammed Saneem, the Fijian election supervisor, said at a news conference. “And then when we retried to do it, that’s when things got messy.”
        “出现这种情况是因为数据传输终止了,”斐济选举监督员穆罕默德·萨尼姆在新闻发布会上说。“然后当我们重新尝试传输数据,事情就变得一团糟了。”
        Early on Thursday morning, Mr. Bainimarama’s party, FijiFirst, led with almost 46 percent of the vote to about 33 percent for the People’s Alliance. Provisional results have now closed, and the final release of votes is expected to take as long as two days, with ballots trickling in from outer islands and remote villages.
        周四一大早,姆拜尼马拉马所在的斐济优先党以近46%的选票领先,人民联盟党获得了大约33%的选票。临时结果现已关闭,预计最终结果还需要两天时间,从外岛和偏远村庄的选票将陆续抵达。
        Ahead of the vote, experts had warned that Mr. Bainimarama might not honor the results of the election and could seek intervention from the military, with which he has a close relationship. The country’s Constitution gives final control over citizens’ “security, defense and well-being” to the military, a clause that is widely understood to mean that it has the right to intervene if it sees fit.
        投票前,专家警告,姆拜尼马拉马可能不会尊重选举结果,并可能寻求与他关系密切的军方进行干预。该国宪法将公民的“安全、国防和福祉”的最终控制权交给了军方,人们对这一条款的广泛理解是,军方有权在其认为合适的情况下进行干预。
        Speaking to foreign reporters before the results were released, Mr. Bainimarama said he would “of course” respect the outcome of the election. He added: “Haven’t they got any intelligent reporters from Australia to come ask me a better question than that?”
        姆拜尼马拉马在结果公布前对外国记者说,他“当然”会尊重选举结果。他补充说:“难道就没有一个明智的澳大利亚记者来问我一个比这更好的问题吗?”
        Fiji, with a population of about a million people and by far the largest economy of its region, grew closer to China in 2006 after an initial burst of investment from Beijing. The funding was particularly timely as Fiji faced damaging sanctions from Australia and New Zealand related to the coup in which Mr. Bainimarama came to power.
        斐济拥有约100万人口,是所在地区迄今为止最大的经济体,北京对斐济的投资在2006年首次激增,此后,斐济与中国的关系日益密切。在姆拜尼马拉马政变上台后,斐济面临澳大利亚和新西兰的破坏性制裁,因此来自中国的资金特别及时。
        The relationship with China could enter a more distant phase under Mr. Rabuka, who earlier this year indicated that he would prefer closer ties to Australia, a longtime ally of Fiji, instead of signing a security pact with Beijing.
        如果兰布卡领导斐济,该国可能会疏远中国,他在今年早些时候表示,更愿意与斐济的长期盟友澳大利亚建立更密切的关系,而不是与北京签署安全协定。
        The early election results come after a bitter contest and amid a government clampdown on the press and on supporters of opposition parties. In one high-profile example, a pro-opposition lawyer who had made light of an error in a legal document was convicted of contempt of court, in what critics saw as a sign of Fiji’s eroding civil liberties.
        提前投票的结果是在一场激烈竞争和政府对新闻界及反对党的支持者进行镇压的情况下得出的。在一个备受瞩目的案件中,一名反对派律师因为没有在意法律文件中的一个错误被判藐视法庭罪,批评者认为这是斐济公民自由受到侵蚀的标志。
        With little pre-election polling, analysts had struggled to predict an outcome. For 48 hours until the election ended, Fiji underwent a media blackout, in which all political parties were forbidden from campaigning. Citizens were prohibited from making political posts on social media, displaying banners and wearing colors or logos of parties. Those who broke the rules could be subject to stiff penalties, including prison.
        由于很少进行选举前民调,分析师一直难以预测结果。在选举结束前的48小时内,斐济进行了媒体封锁,所有政党的竞选宣传活动都被禁止。公民不得在社交媒体上发表政治帖子、展示横幅和穿着政党颜色或带有政党标志的衣服。违反规定者可能会受到严厉的惩罚,包括监禁。
        Even with little coverage from the news media in Fiji itself, there were early signs that Mr. Bainimarama’s support might be declining, including a dwindling voter share over the last two elections. There is also a sense of disgruntlement among voters about some of the economic challenges the country faces in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, which devastated its tourism industry.
        即使斐济本身的新闻媒体报道很少,但早期迹象表明,姆拜尼马拉马的支持率可能正在下降,包括在过去两次选举中的得票率一次比一次少。选民也对该国在新冠病毒大流行后面临的一些经济挑战感到不满,大流行摧毁了它的旅游业。
        “The government’s been in office for a while, and people tend to tire of long-term governments,” said Dominic O’Sullivan, a professor of political science at Charles Sturt University in Australia.
        澳大利亚查尔斯特大学政治学教授多米尼克·奥沙利文表示:“这个政府执政已经有些年头了,人们往往会厌倦长期政府。”
        Even Mr. Bainimarama’s government had sought to appeal to calls for a fresh face, running on a platform of reform, with the slogan “We are the change.”
        就连姆拜尼马拉马的政府也试图迎合要求新面孔的呼吁,以改革为纲领竞选,提出了“我们就是变革”的口号。
        Turnout in the election was low: Late in the day, Mr. Saneem, the Fijian election supervisor, called on voters to come to the polls, with 51 percent of voters having cast a ballot as of an hour before polls closed. In the 2006 election, voter turnout was at 64 percent.
        投票率很低:当天晚些时候,斐济选举监督员萨内姆呼吁选民前来投票,截至投票结束前一个小时,有51%的选民投票。在2006年的选举中,投票率为64%。
        The Fijian electoral base skews young, with more than 50 percent of registered voters being younger than 40, while 86 percent of candidates on the ballot are over 40. Mr. Bainimarama, 68, is a 16-year veteran of Fijian politics, while Mr. Rabuka, 74, has been a fixture of Fijian political life since 1987.
        斐济的选民基础偏向年轻人,超过50%的登记选民年龄在40岁以下,而选票上86%的候选人年龄在40岁以上。现年68岁的姆拜尼马拉马是斐济从政16年的资深政客,而74岁的兰布卡自1987年以来一直是斐济政界的常客。
        The reluctance to come to the polls may communicate a wider sense of cynicism about the freedom and fairness of the election, said Professor O’Sullivan. “With the two likely contenders for prime minister being former coup leaders, it may be that people think, ‘Is it really democracy?’”
        奥沙利文教授表示,人们不愿去投票,可能是对选举的自由和公平抱持的一种广泛的怀疑。“由于两位可能的总理竞争者都是前政变领导人,人们可能会想,‘这真的是民主吗?’”
        
        
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