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| As Russian tanks were stuck in the mud outside Kyiv earlier this year and the economic fallout of war with Ukraine took hold, one part of Russia’s government hummed with precision: television propaganda. | 今年早些时候，当俄罗斯的坦克困在基辅城外的泥泞中，乌克兰战争的经济后果逐渐显现时，俄罗斯政府的一个部门正在精准运转，那就是它的电视宣传。 |
| Spinning together a counternarrative for tens of millions of viewers, Russian propagandists plucked clips from American cable news, right-wing social media and Chinese officials. They latched onto claims that Western embargoes of Russian oil would be self-defeating, that the United States was hiding secret bioweapon research labs in Ukraine and that China was a loyal ally against a fragmenting West. | 俄罗斯宣传人员将美国有线电视新闻、右翼社交媒体和中国官员的画面攒在一起，为数千万观众编造了一种与主流叙事相反的说法。他们声称，西方对俄罗斯石油的禁运将是自取灭亡；美国在乌克兰藏有秘密的生物武器实验室；中国是忠实的盟友，共同对抗四分五裂的西方。 |
| Day by day, state media journalists sharpened those themes in emails. They sometimes broadcast battlefield videos and other information sent to them by the successor agency to the K.G.B. And they excerpted and translated footage from favorite pundits, like the Fox News host Tucker Carlson, whose remarks about the war were shown to millions of Russians. | 日复一日，官方媒体的记者们在他们的日常工作邮件中讨论如何强化这些主题。他们有时会播放一个前身为克格勃的机构发送给他们的战场视频和其他信息。有时摘录、翻译福克斯新闻台的主持人塔克·卡尔森等深受其青睐的所谓权威人士的画面，后者对这场战争的言论曾向数百万俄罗斯人播放过。 |
| “Be sure to take Tucker,” one Russian news producer wrote to a colleague. The email referred to a clip in which Mr. Carlson described the power of the Chinese-Russian partnership that had emerged under Mr. Biden — and how American economic policies targeting Russia could undermine the dollar’s status as a world-reserve currency. | “一定要加上塔克，”一名俄罗斯新闻制作人在给同事的邮件中写道。这封信提到了卡尔森的一段视频，大谈拜登任内出现的中俄伙伴关系的影响，以及美国针对俄罗斯的经济政策可能会削弱美元作为世界储备货币的地位等内容。 |
| The correspondence was one of thousands of email exchanges stored within a leaked database from Russia’s largest state-owned media company, the All-Russia State Television and Radio Company, known as V.G.T.R.K. The data was made publicly available online by DDoSecrets, a group that publishes hacked documents. | 这批邮件属于俄罗斯最大国有媒体全俄国家电视广播公司（简称VGTRK）泄露数据库中的数千封邮件的一部分。泄露数据已由发布被黑文档的组织DDoSecrets在网上公开。 |
| The New York Times created a search tool to identify material from the 750 gigabytes of files related to the buildup to the war and its earliest stages from January to March 2022, when the available documents ended. The Times verified the documents by confirming email addresses and people’s identities. In many instances, matters discussed in the emails led to content broadcast on the air. | 《纽约时报》创建了一个搜索工具，从750GB的文件中找出与战争前以及2022年1月至3月的早期阶段相关的内容。时报通过确认电子邮件地址和人员身份来验证这批文件。在许多情况下，邮件中讨论的内容最后都播出了。 |
| The emails provide a rare glimpse into a propaganda machine that is perhaps Russia’s greatest wartime success. Even as the country faces battlefield losses, mounting casualties, economic isolation and international condemnation, state-run television channels have spun a version of the war in which Russia is winning, Ukraine is in shambles and Western alliances are fraying. Along with a fierce crackdown on dissent, the propaganda apparatus has helped President Vladimir V. Putin maintain domestic support for a war that many in the West had hoped would weaken his hold on power the longer it dragged on. | 这批邮件提供了一个难得的机会，让人们看到一个俄罗斯的宣传机器在这次战争期间是如何取得最大成功的。即使俄罗斯在战场上失利、伤亡人数不停增加、经济陷入孤立、在国际上遭到谴责，它的官方电视频道仍在编造一个不同的战争叙事版本，宣称俄罗斯正在获得胜利，乌克兰处于崩溃状态，以及西方联盟正在瓦解。在俄罗斯严厉镇压异议人士的同时，它的宣传机构还帮助普京总统维持国内对这场战争的支持，许多西方国家曾希望战争拖得越久，他对权力的掌控会越弱。 |
| To create this narrative, producers at the state media company cherry-picked from conservative Western media outlets like Fox News and the Daily Caller, as well as obscure social media accounts on Telegram and YouTube, according to the records. Russian security agencies like the Federal Security Service, or F.S.B., the successor to the K.G.B., fed other information, creating an alternative version of events such as the bombing of the Ukrainian city of Mariupol. | 记录显示，为了打造这种叙事，这家国有媒体公司的制片人从福克斯新闻和《每日来电》(Daily Caller)等持保守立场的西方媒体，以及社交媒体平台Telegram和YouTube上鲜为人知的社交媒体帐号中精心挑选素材。来自俄罗斯的安全机构提供的素材，比如联邦安全局（即克格勃的继任机构，简称FSB），则帮助他们创造了轰炸乌克兰城市马里乌波尔等事件的另一种叙事版本。 |
| In other instances, V.G.T.R.K. workers shared clips, sometimes from little-known American media, that appeared to show opposition to the war rising in the West or how sanctions were backfiring against the United States. | 在其他案例中，VGTRK工作人员会分享一些来自不知名美国媒体的视频片段，看上去是在说明西方的反战情绪正在上升，或美国的制裁如何搬起石头砸了自己的脚。 |
| Other material showed an organization grappling with Russia’s growing isolation. V.G.T.R.K. employees tracked how their broadcasts were received overseas and talked about how to react when their channels were being blocked in neighboring European countries. They even discussed a response to Russia being dropped from the popular Eurovision singing competition, a major television event. | 还有素材则展示了一家机构如何艰难应对俄罗斯日益孤立的局面。VGTRK员工会统计节目引发的海外反响，并讨论当他们的频道被欧洲邻国屏蔽时该如何应对。 |
| China was used to bolster Russian story lines, according to the records, with producers pulling from Chinese media for potential story ideas. In another instance, they discussed currying favor with a top Chinese propaganda official. | 文件显示，中国也被用来支持俄罗斯的叙事，制片人会从中国媒体上寻找潜在的情节创意。有一次他们讨论了如何讨好中国的一名宣传官员。 |
| V.G.T.R.K. did not respond to requests for comment. A Fox News spokeswoman didn’t provide a comment. | VGTRK没有回应置评请求。福克斯新闻发言人没有发表评论。 |
| V.G.T.R.K. has roughly 3,500 employees and operates some of the country’s most-watched channels, including Russia 1 and Russia 24, as well as a robust online operation. With national and regional networks, it reaches nearly the entire Russian population, from urban hubs to rural areas, and its dominance has grown as the government has restricted access to social media and independent news. The company receives about $500 million a year from the Russian government, analysts estimated. | 拥有约3500名员工的VGTRK运营了俄罗斯收视率最高的一些频道，包括俄罗斯1台和俄罗斯24台，其网络业务也非常强大。它拥有全国和地方性电视网络，覆盖了从城市中心到农村地区的几乎所有俄罗斯人口，随着政府限制民众接触社交媒体和独立新闻，VGTRK的主导地位日益增强。分析人士估计，该公司每年能从俄罗斯政府获得约五亿美元拨款。 |
| “Besides the political machine of what the Kremlin operates directly, V.G.T.R.K. is the second-most important part of propaganda in Russia,” said Vasily Gatov, a Russian media researcher at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg Center on Communication Leadership and Policy. | “VGTRK仅次于克里姆林宫直接操纵的政治机器，是俄罗斯第二重要的宣传工具，”南加州大学安纳伯格传播领导与政策中心的俄罗斯传媒研究员瓦西里·加托夫表示。 |
| The company, created in 1990 and now run by the Kremlin ally Oleg Dobrodeyev, sets the news agenda and shapes public opinion, Mr. Gatov said. About two-thirds of Russians count television as their main source of news, according to a recent survey. And V.G.T.R.K.’s influence extends to other media outlets, with its former Kremlin correspondent, Margarita Simonyan, now the top editor of RT, Russia’s English-language news channel. | 加托夫说，这家创办于1990年、现由克里姆林宫盟友奥列格·多布罗杰耶夫经营的公司主要任务就是制定新闻议程，影响公众舆论。最近的一项调查显示，约三分之二的俄罗斯人将电视作为主要新闻来源。此外，VGTRK的影响力还延伸到其他媒体，其前克林姆林宫记者玛格丽塔·西蒙尼扬如今正是俄罗斯英语新闻频道“今日俄罗斯”的主编。 |
| Collaboration between the Kremlin and state broadcasters dates back more than two decades, said Mr. Gatov, a former Russian journalist and an expert on state propaganda. Each day, the Kremlin provides a list of talking points for broadcasters. The closely guarded document, known as the “temnik,” is delivered to senior officials at V.G.T.R.K. and other organizations, outlining issues the Kremlin wants covered, positively or negatively, along with views to endorse and people to criticize, said Mr. Gatov, who has seen copies. | 曾在俄罗斯做记者的国家宣传专家加托夫说，克里姆林宫与国家电视台的合作可以追溯到20多年前。克里姆林宫每天都要为广播公司提供一份宣传要点清单。曾看过清单副本的加托夫说，这份被称为“主题”的文件是严格保密的，会被递送至VGTRK和其他机构高层官员手上，其中列举了克里姆林宫希望报道的正面或负面问题，以及该支持什么观点、该批评什么人。 |
| The Kremlin’s tight control of the media has increased since the invasion of Ukraine, but people’s trust in what they are watching is falling the longer the war goes on and its violent realities become harder to hide, said Vera Tolz, a professor at the University of Manchester who has studied Russian media for the British Parliament and European Union. “There are cracks,” she said. | 曾为英国议会和欧盟研究俄罗斯媒体的曼彻斯特大学教授维拉·托尔兹表示，自入侵乌克兰以来，克里姆林宫加强了对媒体的严格控制，但随着战争的持续，残酷的现实越来越难以掩盖，民众对自己所观看节目的信任度正在下降。“已经出现了裂缝，”她说。 |
| In the early days of the war, what was not explicitly outlined in Kremlin orders was left to television producers to fill in. | 在战争初期，克里姆林宫未宣之于口的意图可以由电视制片人自行去揣摩。 |
| The United States was a frequent target, according to the documents. Each day, emails circulated with long lists of news clips and viral posts that served as a palette to paint a darkening picture of the United States. | 文件显示，美国经常成为攻击目标。日复一日，电子邮件中都流传着大量新闻片段和病毒式传播帖子，成为描绘出美国黑暗图景的调色板。 |
| In early February, weeks before the invasion of Ukraine, producers flagged a clip of President Biden declining to answer questions about sending troops to Poland, bolstering the idea that America was eager for a fight. A New York Times story about Ukraine’s aggressive information war against Russia was also recast as evidence of the country’s dishonesty. Another, pulled from Britain’s Daily Mail, showed Mr. Biden picking his teeth. | 2月初，也就是入侵乌克兰的前几周，电视制片人标记了一段拜登总统拒绝回答有关出兵波兰问题的视频，强调了美国急于开战的观点。《纽约时报》一篇关于乌克兰积极对俄发动信息战的报道也被扭曲为该国弄虚作假的证据。另一段取自英国《每日邮报》的报道显示拜登正在剔牙。 |
| As the war dragged on, producers sought clips about the fallout in the United States. One came from a local news program in northern Alabama about stickers being placed on gas pumps that showed Mr. Biden saying, “I did that.” Another video, showing a U.S. grocery store emptied of food, came from a viral Telegram post. It seemed to inspire a broadcast soon after titled, “Oil shock and empty shelves: Trump’s grim prophecy is coming true.” | 随着战争的持续，电视制片人开始寻找讲述美国大受影响的内容。其中一条来自阿拉巴马州北部当地的新闻节目讲得是加油枪上的贴纸显示拜登在说，“是我干的。”另一段视频显示一家美国杂货店的食品被清空，源自一条病毒式传播的Telegram帖子。随后没多久播出的标题为《石油危机和空荡荡的货架：特朗普的可怕预言正在成真》节目似乎正是以此为灵感。 |
| In March, Denis Davydov, a V.G.T.R.K. reporter in Washington, flagged a seven-year-old YouTube post, gaining newfound popularity, that claimed that the United States and NATO had fueled Russia’s hostility toward Ukraine. | 3月，VGTRK驻华盛顿记者丹尼斯·达维多夫标记了一条宣称美国和北约助长了俄罗斯对乌克兰敌意的YouTube视频，该视频已发布七年，但近来热度大涨。 |
| “The Western viewer is looking for alternative information,” Mr. Davydov wrote in an email. (He did not respond to a request for comment.) | “西方观众正在寻求另类信息，”达维多夫在一封电邮中写道。（他没有回应置评请求。） |
| As Russia became isolated, China’s importance grew. V.G.T.R.K. reporters reworked reports from Chinese state media, conveying the image of a powerful country at Russia’s side whose people backed a just war in Ukraine. One email that led to a broadcast identified a refrain said to be circulating on the Chinese internet: “By buying a Russian candy, you can turn it into a bullet against Nazism.” | 随着俄罗斯处境愈发孤立，中国的重要性与日俱增。VGTRK改写了中国官媒的报道，描绘出该国站在俄罗斯一边的强国形象，其人民也支持对乌克兰的正义战争。一封成为节目灵感的电邮提到了据称在中国互联网上流行的说法：“每当你购买一颗俄罗斯糖果，就有可能变成一枚射向纳粹的子弹。” |
| When the birthday of Shen Haixiong, a top Chinese propagandist, was coming up, V.G.T.R.K. leaders planned to ensure that a gift — an album containing reproductions of masterpieces by Russian artists — would get through China’s lengthy Covid quarantine in time, according to one email. | 一封电邮内容显示，就在中国宣传机构高层人物之一慎海雄生日将近之时，VGTRK高层计划了如何确保一份贺礼——一本汇集众多俄罗斯艺术家代表作的画册——能够通过中国漫长的新冠隔离，及时送到他手上。 |
| V.G.T.R.K. used Chinese officials and state media to build support for a conspiracy theory that the United States maintained secret labs to build biological weapons in Ukraine. In March, producers broke down footage from Zhao Lijian, a spokesman for China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, saying the U.S. research was “aimed at creating a mechanism for the covert spread of deadly pathogens.” | VGTRK利用中国官员和官媒为其阴谋论提供支持，即美国在乌克兰设有制造生化武器的秘密实验室。3月，制片人截取了中国外交部发言人赵立坚的发言片段，称美国的研究“目的是建立一个致命病原体的秘密传播机制”。 |
| To add an American voice to the biolab claims, producers discussed and then aired remarks by Roger Stone, a former Trump adviser, from the far-right television channel Real America’s Voice. | 为了在生物实验室的说法中加入美方声音，制片人还讨论并随后播放了特朗普前顾问罗杰·斯通在极右翼电视频道“真实美国之音”中发表的言论。 |
| Fox News and other conservative outlets were fixtures of internal news roundups, scripts and broadcasts. Producers circulated a clip of a Fox News commentator discussing Russia’s “sanction-proof” economy and a Breitbart article about the effect on oil prices. | 福克斯新闻和其他保守派媒体是其内部新闻汇总、台本和播出的固定内容。制片人传播了一则福克斯新闻评论员讨论俄罗斯经济“无视制裁影响”的视频，以及布莱巴特一篇关于油价受影响的文章。 |
| Mr. Carlson’s broadcasts were passed around V.G.T.R.K., according to emails. | 从这些电邮来看，VGTRK内部会传看卡尔森的节目。 |
| V.G.T.R.K. watched how it was perceived abroad. | VGTRK还关注了国外对其节目的评价。 |
| Reports tracked the foreign media coverage of a leading V.G.T.R.K. presenter, Dmitri Kiselyov, noting pickups by global newspapers and categorizing them as positive, negative or neutral. Mr. Kiselyov is a firebrand known for inflammatory statements — in May, he threatened Britain with nuclear annihilation — and his negative press mentions jumped in 2022, according to the reports. Outlets in Germany, Nigeria and Canada all had critical things to say. One quote, marked red for negative from the German magazine Stern, described the state of Russian television under “propagandists” like Mr. Kiselyov: “A poisonous mixture of lies, hatred and absurdity.” | 有报告追踪了外媒对VGTRK王牌主持人德米特里·基谢廖夫的介绍，标出了全球报纸的相关消息，并按正面、负面和中立分类。基谢廖夫是以火爆言论闻名的煽动者——今年5月他才威胁要对英国进行核毁灭——根据报告的说法，在2022年，关于他的负面媒体报道出现激增。德国、尼日利亚和加拿大媒体都对他进行了批判。一段用红色标出的德国《亮点》周刊负面报道这样描述在基谢廖夫这种“宣传者”的领导下俄罗斯电视节目的现状：“谎言、仇恨和荒诞的恶毒混合。” |
| Emails showed close ties between state media and Russia’s security apparatus, which provided information that was quickly put on the air that gave a rosy picture of a war that was in reality deteriorating. | 这些电邮揭示了国家级媒体与俄罗斯安全机器的密切联系，前者会将后者提供的信息迅速播出，在战局实际已经恶化之际仍描绘出一幅乐观的图景。 |
| On Feb. 24, the day of the invasion, the F.S.B. sent emails to state media calling them “colleagues” and claiming that Ukrainian soldiers were abandoning their posts. Another message noted a supposed attack by Ukraine on a civilian cargo ship. | 2月24日，也就是入侵发生当天，FSB在向官媒发送的电邮中将他们称为“同僚”，并声称乌克兰士兵正在溃逃。另一条消息指出，乌克兰可能袭击了一艘民用货船。 |
| In March, the F.S.B. sent dossiers about two Ukrainian officers killed in combat, making unverifiable claims that they had killed civilians and were terrorists. In the email, the security service said not to attribute the information to the F.S.B., orders that were followed in the ensuing broadcast. | 3月，FSB发送了关于两名在战斗中丧生的乌克兰军官的档案，未经证实地宣称他们曾杀害平民，是恐怖分子。在邮件中，该安全部门表示，不要说明这些信息来自FSB，而随后播出的节目遵循了这些指示。 |
| State media took cues from the F.S.B. and the Ministry of Defense about how to cover events that drew international outrage, according to the documents. After the March bombing of a theater in Mariupol, where civilians were believed to be seeking cover, the military sent an email to V.G.T.R.K. and other state media with the subject “Important!” It provided a video of a woman who said members of a Ukrainian nationalist group had blown up the theater, not the Russian military. | 文件显示，对于如何报道引发国际愤慨的事件，官媒要接受FSB和国防部的点拨。3月，当马里乌波尔一家据信有平民在避难的剧院遭到轰炸，军方向VGTRK和其他官媒发了一封主题为《重要！》的电邮。邮件内容包括一段视频，其中一名女性宣称是乌克兰一个民族主义组织的成员炸毁了剧院，而并非俄军所为。 |
| “Please use in stories,” the note said. | “请在报道中使用，”邮件中写道。 |
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