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| Wang Xiaodong once gave a speech declaring that “China’s forward march is unstoppable.” He published essays calling on China to build up its military. He co-wrote a book, bluntly titled “China Is Unhappy,” in which he said the country should aim to control more land and shape global politics. “We should lead this world,” he said. | 王小东曾在一次演讲中宣称：“中国前进的步伐不可阻挡。”他曾发表文章呼吁中国加强军事建设。他与人合著的一本书，名字就叫《中国不高兴》，书中写道，中国的目标应该是控制更多的土地、塑造全球政治。“我们应该领导这个世界，”他写道。 |
| Now, Mr. Wang, a 66-year-old Beijing-based writer once called the standard-bearer of Chinese nationalism, has another message: That nationalism has gone too far. | 王小东现年66岁，这名曾被称为中国民族主义旗手的北京作家现在开始传递另一个信息：中国的民族主义走得太远了。 |
| For years, it was Mr. Wang whom many Chinese dismissed as too radical, as he railed that the Chinese establishment was too beholden to Western ideas and global trade, too content to let China ease into a world order rigged by the United States. | 多年来，王小东在许多中国人眼里曾是个过于激进的人，他抱怨中国的当权派太受制于西方思想和全球贸易，太满足于让中国融入由美国控制的世界秩序。 |
| Then, as China grew more powerful, his message championing nationalism — and his combative, only-idiots-disagree-with-me style — found a following. His book became a best seller. Today, swagger about the country’s greatness is a staple of Chinese public conversation, from diplomatic declarations to social media chatter. | 后来，随着中国变得越来越强大，他宣扬的民族主义信息——以及他好斗的风格、不同意我观点的人都是白痴的态度——获得了大批追随者。他的书成了畅销书。如今，从外交声明到社交媒体群聊等中国公开言论平台，关于中国有多么伟大的豪言壮语已成为主要内容。 |
| But rather than reveling in that success, Mr. Wang has become alarmed by it. Egged on by government propaganda, Chinese nationalism has become increasingly volatile and vitriolic. And so Mr. Wang has found himself in the unexpected position of trying to tamp down the movement that he helped ignite nearly 35 years ago. | 但是这种成功没有令王小东陶醉，反而令他产生了警惕。在政府宣传的煽动下，中国的民族主义已变得愈发易燃易爆。结果是，王小东发现自己正试图抑制自己近35年前帮助点燃的这场运动，这令他始料不及。 |
| To his millions of social media followers, he now opines that excessive self-regard imperils China’s rise, which he no longer calls inevitable. In blog posts and videos infused with a professorial — some say lecturing — demeanor, he warns that cutting off relations with the United States would be self-defeating. He lashes out at other nationalist influencers, accusing them of stoking extreme emotions to win followers. | 现在，他对自己在社交媒体上的数百万关注者发表的观点是，自视过高将会危及中国的崛起，他也不再认为中国的崛起不可避免。在充满了像是教授上课（有些人称之为说教）的博客文章和视频中，他警告说，切断与美国的关系将会带来事与愿违的后果。他抨击其他民族主义网红，指责他们为赢得关注者而煽动极端情绪。 |
| Now, this pioneer of nationalist bravado is the one fending off criticisms of being too moderate, too cozy with the West, even a traitor. | 现在，这位张扬民族主义的先驱正在抵挡指责他过于温和、过于亲西方、甚至是叛徒的批评。 |
| Mr. Wang, who in person is warmer than his public persona might suggest, has greeted the reversal with a mixture of astonishment and amusement. | 和他的公众形象可能给人的感觉相比，王小东本人显得更友好，他对民族主义者对他看法的逆转既感到惊讶，又觉得有点好笑。 |
| “They’ve forgotten, in the past few decades, I’ve been called nationalism’s godfather. I created them,” he said in an interview over tea and steamed fish at a Shanghainese restaurant near his home in Beijing. “But I never told them to be this crazy.” | “他们都忘了，我在过去几十年当中，我被称为是中国民族主义的旗手，民族主义的教父，我是他们的祖师爷，是我造就他们，”他在北京住所附近的一家上海菜餐馆里接受了采访，边喝茶边吃清蒸鱼。“但是我真的从来没有教过他们这个样子 ，我从来没有教过他们文革是好的，从来没有告诉他们可以这样的疯狂。” |
| The divide may be, in part, generational. For young people who have known only an ascendant China, a strident posture toward the rest of the world may feel natural. Other older public figures have raised similar concerns to Mr. Wang; Yan Xuetong, an often-hawkish international relations professor, lamented this year that students held an overly confident, “make-believe” mind-set about China’s global stature. | 这种分歧在某种程度上可能是世代差异。对那些只看到过中国崛起的年轻人来说，对世界其他国家的强硬姿态也许很自然。其他年龄更大的公众人物也提出了与王小东类似的担忧；经常持鹰派立场的国际关系学教授阎学通今年曾感叹，学生们对中国的全球地位抱有一种过度自信的“假想”心态。 |
| China’s humbler history has been central to Mr. Wang’s worldview. | 中国更卑微时代的历史是王小东世界观的核心。 |
| Born to well-educated parents — his father was an engineer, his mother a teacher — he was 10 when Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution. Mr. Wang’s school closed for two years; he read old textbooks on his own. | 王小东出生在一个知识分子家庭，父亲是工程师，母亲是教师。毛泽东发动文化大革命那年他10岁，他的学校停了两年课，他只好用旧教科书自学。 |
| That tumultuous period instilled in Mr. Wang a lasting pugnaciousness. Unsupervised, he and his friends frequently brawled with other young people. “It made me feel very self-righteous — I could fight like that, without any punishment,” he said, with a smirk familiar to viewers of his videos. “That was not necessarily a great lesson for me.” | 那个动荡时代给王小东带来了持久的斗志。没有大人管他们，他和朋友们经常跟其他年轻人打架。“它让我非常自以为是，居然可以这么打人，什么惩罚都没受到，”他说，脸上浮现出一个他的视频观众们非常熟悉的得意笑容。“这个对我并不是一个很好的教育。” |
| After the Cultural Revolution ended, Mr. Wang enrolled at Beijing’s prestigious Peking University to study math — an educational pedigree this unapologetic elitist frequently invokes. | 文革结束后，王小东考上了著名的北京大学，学习数学，毫不掩饰自己是精英的他经常提到这个教育背景。 |
| But Mr. Wang’s attention quickly slipped from classes. The 1980s were a heady time of new ideas and national soul-searching, as the country distanced itself from Mao’s suffocating reign. Mr. Wang began devouring foreign novels, becoming more accessible as China opened its economy. He practiced English by listening to Voice of America and reading Reader’s Digest. | 但王小东的兴趣很快从课堂上转移开来。20世纪80年代，随着国家逐渐摆脱毛泽东令人窒息的统治，中国有出现了一段令人兴奋的时期，充满了新思想，以及对国家的反思。王小东开始大量阅读外国小说，随着中国经济的开放，这些小说也越来越容易找到。他还通过收听美国之音和阅读《读者文摘》练习英语。 |
| Soon, though, he would decide China’s interest in the West had gone too far. | 但他很快就得出结论，认为中国对西方的兴趣过头了。 |
| He traces his first major brush with nationalism to 1988, when the state broadcaster aired a documentary, River Elegy, which blamed China’s backwardness on its traditional civilization and urged the country to learn from Japan and the West. Mr. Wang, by then working as a young economics professor, was outraged. He wrote a short essay criticizing the series as self-loathing — an idea he would later dub “reverse racism.” | 他认为自己第一次重要的民族主义行为是在1988年，那年中央电视台播出了纪录片《河殇》，将中国的落后归咎于传统文化，呼吁中国向日本和西方学习。王小东当时是一名年轻的经济学教授，他被该片激怒，写了一篇短文，批评这部记录片自卑——他后来将其称为“逆向种族主义”。 |
| It was a bold argument, given the documentary’s imprimatur of state approval. Mr. Wang said he was able to publish it only by pleading with an editor at the newspaper China Youth Daily, which ran it not in the politics section but in the lower-profile entertainment pages. | 考虑到那部纪录片的播放是得到国家正式批准的，王小东提出的观点很大胆。王小东说，那篇文章是他央求了《中国青年报》的一名编辑后才得以发表。该报没有把文章放在政治版，而是放在了比较低调的影视版。 |
| It aroused intense debate anyway. And it made Mr. Wang a leading voice of Chinese nationalism, a movement that was gaining momentum as the broader political atmosphere changed. After the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, the government turned on the political openness of the 1980s and became more guarded toward the outside world. | 尽管如此，文章还是引发了激烈的争论。让王小东成为中国民族主义的一个主要声音。随着更广泛的政治气氛发生变化，该运动的势头日益增长。1989年天安门广场大屠杀后，政府改变了20世纪80年代的政治开放性，对外部世界变得更加谨慎。 |
| Mr. Wang was there to cheer it on — and to argue that it didn’t go far enough. | 王小东成了这场运动的鼓吹者，他认为民族主义走得还不够远。 |
| He churned out increasingly provocative books and essays, arguing that China should become more militant to survive American hegemony. He said China’s huge population demanded more resources — which might not be attainable through peaceful means alone. | 他撰写了大量越来越具挑衅性的书籍和文章，认为中国应该更加好战，以抵御美国的霸权主义。他说，中国庞大的人口需要更多的资源，这可能无法仅仅通过和平的手段获得。 |
| In “China Is Unhappy,” published in 2009, he called those who said China was not ready to take on the United States “slaves” who “glorified peace.” | 在2009年出版的《中国不高兴》一书中，他把那些说中国还没有准备好与美国较量的人称为“美化和平”的“奴隶”。 |
| The book climbed a best-seller list, earning international headlines. But in a sign that China was still negotiating its relationship to nationalism, the book was also widely criticized. Liberal intellectuals accused it of poisoning and militarizing China’s youth. Xinhua, the state news agency, quoted readers’ reviews calling it “poor and radical.” | 虽然这本书上了畅销书排行榜，国外对其也有报道，但它在国内遭到了广泛的批评，这表明中国仍在对需要什么样的民族主义进行辩论。自由派知识分子指责该书毒害中国年轻人，让他们想打仗。官方通讯社新华社引用读者的评论说该书“糟糕且激进”。 |
| That uneasiness would soon dissipate. As China’s hosting of the Beijing Olympics in 2008 fueled a new national confidence, Mr. Wang at first was thrilled. He was especially excited by how the internet helped those ideas spread, arguing it proved the organic appeal of nationalism — and his own ideas. | 对这本书的不安很快就消失了。中国2008年举办的北京奥运会，将国家自信推向了新高。王小东一开始非常激动，他尤其对互联网如何帮助传播这些思想感到兴奋，认为这证明了民族主义的有机吸引力、以及他本人思想的正确性。 |
| But gradually, that sense of vindication turned to concern. | 但渐渐地，这种自己被证明正确的感觉被担忧取代了。 |
| Tensions between China and the West intensified as trade deficits soared and China’s military began flexing its new muscles in places like the South China Sea. | 随着与他国的贸易顺差飙升、以及中国开始在南海等地区展示新的军事力量，中国与西方的紧张关系也在加剧。 |
| The animus then spiked after the outbreak of the coronavirus, and some social media users began cheering the idea of severing economic ties with the United States, bragging that China could go it alone. Even cultural exchange became a target: users attacked vegetarianism as a foreign import, or questioned people for cosplaying in kimonos. | 新冠疫情暴发后，西方对中国的敌意急剧上升，中国一些社交媒体用户开始鼓吹与美国切断经济联系的想法，他们认为中国可以单干。就连文化交流也成了攻击目标，有的用户攻击素食主义是舶来品，或批评穿和服玩角色扮演的人。 |
| Mr. Wang — a self-declared fan of American TV, especially “Westworld” and “Game of Thrones” — began worrying that many Chinese had swung too far, from self-deprecation to imagined invincibility. He admitted to having been overly optimistic himself about the pace of China’s development in his earlier writings, and said the country was still not as powerful as the United States. | 自称是美剧迷的王小东尤其爱看《西部世界》和《权力游戏》，他开始担心许多中国人已走向另一个极端，从自卑走向了想象中的无敌。他承认自己在早期文章中对中国发展的速度过于乐观，他说，中国仍然不如美国强大。 |
| “Before, Chinese people’s self-esteem was too low, and they thought China couldn’t do anything right,” Mr. Wang said. “Now, they think China is No. 1 and can fight anyone — and I can’t take that either. China isn’t that strong yet.” | “那个时候过分自卑，说中国什么都不行，”王小东说。“现在他们认为中国是第一了，打谁都行，这个也是我不能接受的。中国没有强大到这个样子。” |
| As had become his habit, he aired those views on the Twitter-like platform Weibo, where he has 2.5 million followers. | 王小东已经形成了习惯，在他拥有250万关注者的微博上发表了这些看法。 |
| Last December, he posted a video arguing that China should do whatever was necessary to remain part of global trade, even if that meant enduring some humiliation. | 去年12月，他发布了一段视频，主张中国应该尽量保持参与全球贸易，即使这意味着要忍辱负重。 |
| “I used to express some different views,” Mr. Wang acknowledged in the video, seated before his usual backdrop of elegant carved wooden cabinets. But, he continued, “we really haven’t gotten to the point where we win at everything we do.” | 王小东在视频中承认：“我曾经在那个时代表达了一些不同的观点。”他坐在雕刻精致的木质陈列柜前，他通常将它作为视频背景。但是，他继续说，“我们真的还没到那个所谓的什么动不动就赢，赢两次的那个时候。” |
| This summer, after some social media users predicted that China would shoot down House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s plane to Taiwan, Mr. Wang said too much bluster made China appear weak. | 今年夏天，在一些社交媒体用户预测中国将击落众议院议长南希·佩洛西飞往台湾的飞机后，王小东表示，过多的叫嚣使中国显得软弱。 |
| In turn, he is tarred by commenters as an arrogant has-been, and he seems to relish hitting back, with condescension. When one user told Mr. Wang to go to America, he responded, “Idiots like you not only lack brains, you also lack morals.” | 然而，他被评论者指责为傲慢的过气人物，他似乎享受以居高临下的方式进行反击。当一位用户叫王小东去美国时，他回答说：“你们这种傻缺不仅缺脑子还缺德。” |
| There is one notable omission from his list of targets. He almost never criticizes the government, which arguably has done more than anybody to foment nationalism, through its aggressive “Wolf Warrior” diplomacy and disinformation campaigns about foreign countries. | 他回击的目标清单有一个明显的遗漏。他几乎从不批评政府，可以说，通过侵略性的“战狼”外交和关于外国的虚假宣传活动，政府在煽动民族主义方面做得比任何人都多。 |
| Mr. Wang said he deliberately avoided direct commentary on domestic politics, focusing instead on social media users’ reactions to certain issues, because he worried about his social media accounts being shut down; he earns money through paid subscribers. He now tries to comment more on international affairs. Many of his latest videos are about the war in Ukraine. “I’m actually quite timid,” he joked. | 王小东说，他担心自己的社交媒体帐户被关闭，因此特意避免直接评论国内政治，而是关注社交媒体用户对某些问题的反应。他通过付费订阅者赚钱。他现在试图更多地评论国际事务。他的许多最新视频都是关于乌克兰战争的。“我是很胆小的一个人，”他开玩笑说。 |
| Still, if Mr. Wang comes off as moderate today, that is perhaps only because of how extreme Chinese online nationalists have become. He still champions a superpower China; his quibble is over tactics and timing. At times, he has joined the online masses in mobilizing against the West, such as when he cheered a boycott of Nike and H&M for swearing off Xinjiang cotton. | 然而，如果王小东现在看上去温和，那可能只是因为中国网络民族主义者变得太极端了。他仍然拥护中国成为超级大国；他辩论的只是战术和时机。有时，他也加入网络群众的行列，动员起来反对西方，比如，他为抵制耐克和H&M宣誓不使用新疆棉花而欢呼。 |
| Song Qiang, one of Mr. Wang’s four co-authors on “China is Unhappy,” said Chinese nationalism today was a clear descendant of the movement Mr. Wang had helped start, and shape. | 宋强是王小东《中国不高兴》一书的四位合著者之一，他说，中国当今的民族主义显然是王小东帮助发起和塑造的那场运动的后裔。 |
| “The national awakening that began with Wang Xiaodong’s criticism of ‘River Elegy’” — the 1988 documentary — “has become mainstream,” said Mr. Song, who added that he disagreed that young nationalists were irrational. “There’s no reason to say that the nationalism inherited by the new generation is different from that of the 1990s.” | 宋强说：“王小东从质疑《河殇》开始的民族觉醒，在网络时代成为一种主流的声音。”他还说，他不同意年轻的民族主义者是非理性的。“没有理由说新生代传承的民族主义和90年代出现的有什么不一样。” |
| Still, Mr. Wang knows his popular appeal may be diminishing, given how the broader political climate rewards more aggressive chest-thumping than he might think wise. | 不过，王小东知道，鉴于更广泛的政治气候青睐更激进的表忠心，他的热度可能正在下降。 |
| But he believes his views will retain an audience — at least for now. | 但他相信他的观点会留住一些受众——至少现在是这样。 |
| “Let’s put it this way: Right now, it’s my generation that’s in charge, not theirs,” he said of younger Chinese. “We’ll see what happens after we die.” | “应该是这么说，现在是我们这代人——不是他们这代人，还在掌权吧，”他谈到年轻的中国人时说。“等我们死了再说吧。” |
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