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| President Biden declared on Wednesday that the overwhelming challenge for the United States in the coming years would be “outcompeting China and restraining Russia” while focusing on restoring a damaged democracy at home. | 拜登总统周三宣布，未来几年美国面临的压倒性挑战将是“超越中国并遏制俄罗斯”，同时专注于恢复国内受损的民主。 |
| In his 48-page national security strategy, which every new administration is required to issue, Mr. Biden made clear that over the long term he was more worried about China’s moves to “layer authoritarian governance with a revisionist foreign policy” than he was about a declining, battered Russia. More than six months after the invasion of Ukraine, the Russian military appears less fearsome than it did when the first drafts of the document circulated in the White House in December. | 在长达48页的国家安全战略中（每届新政府都必须发布），拜登明确表示，从长远来看，相比一个衰落的、饱受摧残的俄罗斯，他更担心中国“将威权治理与修正主义外交政策相结合”的举动。在入侵乌克兰六个多月后，俄罗斯军方似乎不像去年12月在白宫传阅的战略文件初稿里那么可怕。 |
| “Russia and the P.R.C. pose different challenges,” Mr. Biden wrote, using the acronym for the People’s Republic of China. “Russia poses an immediate threat to the free and open international system, recklessly flouting the basic laws of the international order today, as its brutal war of aggression against Ukraine has shown.” | “俄罗斯和中华人民共和国带来不同的挑战，”拜登写道。“俄罗斯对自由和开放的国际体系构成直接威胁，肆无忌惮地蔑视当今国际秩序的基本法则，正如其对乌克兰的野蛮侵略所显示的那样。” |
| China “is the only country with both the intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military and technological power to advance that objective,” the president wrote. | 中国“是唯一一个既具有重塑国际秩序的意图，又具有越来越多的经济、外交、军事和技术力量来推进这一目标的国家”，总统写道。 |
| Mr. Biden’s strategy is notable for its erasure of the distinctions between domestic and foreign policy; it argues that the source of U.S. strength will come from a reaffirmation of the nation’s democratic traditions. But it also comes as China is on the rise and seeking to rewrite the rules of commerce, surveillance and influence over other countries and Russia is seeking to redraw national boundaries. Allies and adversaries alike will examine the strategy for indications of Mr. Biden’s commitment to standing up to both opponents. | 拜登的战略中值得注意的是，它抹除了国内政策和外交政策之间的区别；它认为，美国力量的源泉将来自对美国民主传统的重申。但与此同时，中国正在崛起并寻求改写在商业、监视和对其他国家的影响力方面的规则，而俄罗斯正在寻求重新划定国界。盟友和对手都将研究该战略，寻找拜登决心对抗这两个对手的迹象。 |
| The president took some unusual positions, especially for a Democrat. He urged a speedier modernization of the military, though critics say his budget does not reflect his ambitions. And he took a dark view of the benefits of globalization, describing at length how it has fueled pandemics and disinformation and contributed to supply chain shortages. | 总统采取了一些不同寻常的立场，特别是对于民主党人来说。他敦促军队加快现代化进程，尽管批评人士称他的预算没有体现他的雄心。他对全球化的好处持负面观点，详细描述了全球化如何助长大流行和虚假信息，并导致供应链短缺。 |
| And Mr. Biden returned to a theme he has established since his second month in office, describing a coming struggle as one of autocracies versus democracies. He said the United States must invest with allies and private industry as part of a Western effort to reduce dependence on adversaries. | 拜登回到了他上任第二个月以来确立的主题，称专制国家与民主国家之间的斗争即将到来。他说，作为西方减少对对手依赖努力的一部分，美国必须与盟友和私营企业一起投资。 |
| The strategy document was delayed last winter, as it became clear that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was imminent and that the U.S. relationship with its European allies was about to undergo a tremendous test. The revised document celebrates a new coherence among NATO countries but also includes warnings to Moscow that were clearly inserted to refect a new era of containment, the word used during the Cold War to restrain the biggest challenge at the time: Soviet expansionism. | 该战略文件原本应于去年冬天发表，当时俄罗斯入侵乌克兰迫在眉睫，美国与其欧洲盟友的关系即将经受巨大考验。修订后的文件赞扬北约国家之间最新的一致性，但也包括对莫斯科的警告，这些警告显然是为了反映新的遏制战略时代——这是一个冷战时期的说法，指的是遏制当时最大的挑战：苏联扩张主义。 |
| “The United States will not allow Russia, or any power, to achieve its objectives through using, or threatening to use, nuclear weapons,” the new document says. But the sentence stands alone, with no clarification of the meaning of “not allow” or discussion of the U.S. and NATO response if President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia chooses to use a tactical nuclear weapon to make up for the failures of his conventional force in Ukraine. Mr. Biden declined to go into detail about his options when pressed on CNN on Tuesday in an interview with Jake Tapper. | 新文件称：“美国不会允许俄罗斯或任何大国通过使用或威胁使用核武器来实现其目标。”但是这句话没有上下文，没有澄清“不允许”的含义，也没有指出如果普京为弥补其常规部队在乌克兰的失败而选择一种战术核武器，美国和北约将作何反应。周二，在接受CNN的杰克·塔珀采访时，拜登拒绝详细说明他的选择。 |
| For every administration, the national security strategy is a combination of guidance, a signaling of intent to allies and adversaries, and, often, a self-celebratory ode to American power. President George W. Bush’s strategy was known for its establishment of a “pre-emption” doctrine that contributed to his administration’s justification for the invasion of Iraq. Mr. Obama used his to call for a move to a world without nuclear weapons, but also for an expansion of American soft power to conquer disease and global poverty. | 对于每一届政府来说，国家安全战略既是指导原则、向盟友和对手发出的的意图信号，也是美国实力的自我颂扬。布什总统的战略以建立“先发制人”学说而闻名，这为他的政府入侵伊拉克提供了理由。奥巴马的战略呼吁建立一个没有核武器的世界，同时也呼吁扩大美国的软实力以战胜疾病和全球贫困。 |
| President Donald J. Trump declared that the era of counterterrorism was being replaced by a revival of superpower competition against what he called “revisionist” powers, though he usually ignored his document’s declarations about the value of NATO and other alliances. | 特朗普总统宣称，反恐时代正在被超级大国与他所谓的“修正主义”大国之间竞争的复兴所取代，尽管他通常无视文件中关于北约和其他联盟的价值的声明。 |
| Mr. Biden’s strategy document delves into the workings of American democracy, absent from previous strategies. “As Americans, we must all agree that the people’s verdict, as expressed in elections, must be respected and protected,” the document says. It then discusses moves against “domestic terrorism” and says “America will not tolerate foreign interference in our elections.” | 拜登的战略文件深入讨论了美国民主的运作方式，这是以前的战略文件所没有的。“作为美国人，我们都必须同意，人民在选举中做出的决定必须得到尊重和保护，”该文件说。然后它讨论了打击“国内恐怖主义”的举措，并表示“美国不会容忍外国干涉我们的选举”。 |
| The opening sections of the strategy focus on domestic issues, led by the reinvigoration of key technologies and starting with the ability to produce the most advanced semiconductors. | 该战略的开头部分侧重于国内问题，以重振关键技术为首，并以最先进半导体的生产能力入手。 |
| “We have broken down the dividing line between foreign policy and domestic policy to make far-reaching investments here at home in our industrial and innovation base,” Jake Sullivan, the national security adviser, told reporters on Wednesday morning. | 国家安全顾问沙利文周三上午对记者说：“我们已经打破了外交政策和国内政策之间的分界线，以便在国内对我们的工业和创新基地进行影响深远的投资。” |
| Mr. Biden recently traveled to Ohio to help break ground on a new Intel facility and to an IBM site in upstate New York, celebrating investments made by the federal government through the newly passed CHIPS Act. But it will be years before those plants — and others built by Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company and Samsung in the American Southwest — will be in production. Even then, they will account for a tiny fraction of the most advanced microelectronics that American industry consumes. | 拜登最近前往俄亥俄州，出席英特尔新工厂的破土动工仪式，还前往位于纽约州北部的IBM工厂，庆祝联邦政府以新通过的《芯片法案》进行的投资。但这些工厂——以及由台积电和三星在美国西南部建造的其他工厂——还需要数年时间才能投入生产。即便如此，它们仍将只占美国工业消费的最先进微电子产品的极小部分。 |
| Mr. Sullivan said the strategy was driven chiefly by a changed landscape, one the document describes bluntly: “The post-Cold War era is definitively over.” | 沙利文说，该战略主要是由变化的形势所驱动，文件直言不讳地描述了这一点：“后冷战时代已经彻底结束。” |
| “We have entered a decisive decade with respect to two fundamental strategic challenges,” Mr. Sullivan told reporters on Wednesday. “The first is the competition between the major powers to shape the future of the international order,” he said, and the second to deal with transnational challenges such as “climate change, food insecurity, to communicable diseases, to terrorism, to the energy transition, to inflation.” | “在两个基本战略挑战方面，我们已经进入了决定性的十年，”沙利文周三对记者说。“第一个是大国之间为塑造国际秩序的未来而展开的竞争，”他说，“第二个是应对跨国挑战，例如“气候变化、粮食安全、传染病、恐怖主义、能源转型和通货膨胀”。 |
| The past few weeks have shown how difficult some of those will be. | 过去几周已经表明应对其中部分挑战将会非常困难。 |
| Mr. Biden was undercut by Saudi Arabia, which he visited over the summer, when the kingdom led a movement in OPEC last week to cut oil production after telling him it would increase it. The OPEC move contributes to inflation, and it also aids Russia’s effort to finance the war in Ukraine. Mr. Biden said on Tuesday that he would reconsider his relationship with the Saudis and make them pay a price. | 拜登被今年夏天曾经访问过的沙特摆了一道。上周，沙特在欧佩克成员国中领导了一场削减石油产量的运动，此前它曾告诉拜登会增加产量。欧佩克的举动加剧了通货膨胀，而且还有助于俄罗斯为乌克兰战争筹集资金。拜登周二表示，他将重新考虑与沙特的关系，让他们付出代价。 |
| China’s cooperation on climate issues has slowed to a near halt; “strategic stability” talks with Russia on limiting nuclear arsenals have ended. | 中国在气候问题上的合作已接近停滞；与俄罗斯关于限制核武库的“战略稳定”谈判已经落幕。 |
| “Russia now poses an immediate and persistent threat to international peace and stability,” the document says, a sharp departure from decades of strategies that discussed working to integrate Russia and the West. “The is not a struggle between the West and Russia. It is about fundamental principles of the U.N. Charter, which Russia is a party to, particularly respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and the prohibition against acquiring territory through war.” | “俄罗斯现在对国际和平与稳定构成了直接而持久的威胁，”该文件称，这与几十年来讨论努力整合俄罗斯与西方的战略大相径庭。“这不是西方和俄罗斯之间的斗争。它涉及《联合国宪章》的基本原则，特别是尊重主权、领土完整和禁止通过战争获取领土，俄罗斯是该宪章的缔约国。” |
| Mr. Putin clearly sees it differently: He claims Ukraine was always part of Russia, back to the era of the czars, and has described this moment as driven by the West’s effort to contain and starve Russian power. | 普京显然有不同看法：他声称乌克兰从沙皇时代起就一直是俄罗斯的一部分，并称这一时刻是由西方遏制和剥夺俄罗斯权力的努力所推动。 |
| But what leaps from the pages of Mr. Biden’s strategy, which was drafted by the National Security Council with input from around the administration, is a relentless focus on China. This was also the theme of a speech this week by Jeremy Fleming, the chief of Britain’s cyber and signals intelligence agency. | 拜登的战略由国家安全委员会起草，征求了政府各部门的意见。但其中最鲜明的是对中国的不懈关注。这也是英国网络和信号情报机构负责人杰里米·弗莱明本周演讲的主题。 |
| Much of the military planning described in the administration's document is meant to counter China in space, cyberspace and at sea. Each of those arenas require very different arms, software and strategies than the push to contain Russia on the ground in Europe. The document describes a more aggressive U.S. effort to enhance cybersecurity and urges work with allies and the private sector to “withstand attempts to degrade our shared technology advances” by limiting Chinese and other investment in the United States and controlling exports of key technologies to China. | 政府文件中描述的大部分军事规划都是为了在太空、网络空间和海上对抗中国。与在欧洲遏制俄罗斯相比，上述每一个领域所需的武器、软件和战略都截然不同。该文件描述了美国在加强网络安全方面更加积极的努力，并敦促与盟友和私营部门合作，通过限制中国和其他国家对美国的投资，控制对中国的关键技术出口，“抵御削弱我们共同技术进步的企图”。 |
| Some critics of the strategy fear that it does not move fast enough. “China’s plans for Taiwan center around 2027,” Kori Schake, who directs foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, said in an interview. “The budget does not envision modernization at that speed.” | 一些批评该战略的人士担心，它的行动速度不够快。“中国对台湾的计划以2027年为中心，”美国企业研究所负责外交和国防政策研究的克里·舍克在接受采访时说。“该预算并没有设想以这种速度进行现代化。” |
| Ms. Schake wrote in a New York Times opinion essay last month that “the ships, troop numbers, planes and missile defenses in the Pacific are a poor match for China’s capability.” Mr. Sullivan pushed back on that critique, maintaining that Mr. Biden’s budget followed the strategic guidance that was first laid out in preliminary form in his first weeks in office. | 舍克上个月在《纽约时报》发表的一篇评论文章中写道，“太平洋的舰船、兵力、飞机和导弹防御系统都不敌中国的能力。”沙利文反驳了这种批评，坚称拜登的预算遵循了他上任前几周首次就初步制定的战略指导。 |
| The new national security strategy paves the way for the Pentagon to publish in the coming weeks its national defense strategy and an associated document, called the nuclear posture review, which will describe Mr. Biden’s plans for the nuclear arsenal. | 新的国家安全战略为五角大楼在未来几周公布其国防战略和一份名为《核态势评估报告》的相关文件打下了基础，《核态势评估报告》将描述拜登的核武库计划。 |
| Mr. Sullivan said that despite Russia’s recent threats, the documents would be “a step forward toward the reduction of the role of nuclear weapons in American strategy.” | 沙利文说，尽管俄罗斯最近发出了威胁，但这些文件将是“朝着减少核武器在美国战略中的作用而迈出的一步”。 |
| “We are not seeking to have competition tip over into confrontation or a new Cold War,” he insisted. But it is that last phrase that Chinese officials have often used to describe U.S. strategy. | “我们不寻求让竞争升级为对抗或新冷战，”他坚称。但中国官员经常用最后一个词来描述美国的战略。 |
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