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| For Yasi, the news felt too close to ignore: A young woman, Mahsa Amini, had died in the custody of Iran’s morality police, days after being arrested for failing to cover her hair modestly enough. | 对亚西来说，这个消息让人无法忽视：一位名叫玛莎·阿米尼的年轻女子因未能适当遮盖头发而被捕，几天后在被伊朗道德警察拘留期间死亡。 |
| When protests broke out after Ms. Amini’s death, 20-year-old Yasi — the first woman in her immediate family to reject the hijab — ran into the streets, waving the thin shawl she usually wears over her blond hair in public, in a grudging concession to the law of the land. | 20岁的亚西是她的直系家庭中第一个拒绝戴头巾的女性，阿米尼的死引发抗议活动后，她跑到街上，挥舞着她的薄披肩，通常，她会在公共场合将披肩披在金发上，作为对这个国家的法律的勉强让步。 |
| “I keep thinking Mahsa could be me; it could be my friends, my cousins,” she said in an interview from Tehran, where protests have since raged every night outside her family’s apartment complex. “You don’t know what they will do to you.” | “我一直在想，玛莎可能就是我；可能是我的朋友，我的堂姐妹，”她在德黑兰接受采访时说。事件发生后，她家的公寓大楼外每天晚上都发生抗议活动。“你不知道他们会对你做什么。” |
| The nationwide protests challenging Iran’s authoritarian leadership, now in their 10th day, have fed on a range of grievances: a collapsing economy, brazen corruption, suffocating repression and social restrictions handed down by a handful of elderly clerics. On Monday, they showed no sign of abating, and neither did the harsh government effort to suppress them despite international condemnation. | 挑战伊朗威权统治的全国性抗议活动现已进入第10天，人们积累了一系列愤怒：崩溃的经济、明目张胆的腐败、令人窒息的镇压和由少数老年神职人员传下来的社会限令。周一，抗议没有减弱的迹象，而政府严厉的镇压也没有减弱，即使遭到了国际社会的谴责。 |
| But their catalyst was the death of Ms. Amini, 22, on Sept. 16 and its connection to the hijab law, the most visible manifestation of a theocracy that makes women second to men in politics, in parenting, in the office and at home. | 但人们抗议的直接催化剂是22岁的阿米尼在9月16日的死亡，以及该事件与头巾法的联系，头巾法是使女性在政治、育儿、职场和家庭中的地位低于男性的神权统治的最鲜明体现。 |
| Tossing head scarves into bonfires, dancing bareheaded before security agents, young women have been at the forefront of these demonstrations, supplying the defining images of defiance. | 将头巾扔进火堆，在安全人员面前不戴头巾跳舞，年轻女性一直站在这些示威的最前沿，成为反抗的象征。 |
| Iranian women had participated in protests against the clerical establishment before, but never before had they been spark, leaders and foot soldiers all at once. More than two dozen have been arrested so far, and several female protesters have been killed. | 伊朗女性以前曾参加过反对神权体制的抗议活动，但她们从未同时成为触发点、领导者和一线的战斗者。到目前为止，已有20多人被捕，数名女性抗议者被杀。 |
| It was a female journalist, Niloufar Hamedi of Shargh, an Iranian daily, who first brought Ms. Amini’s story to light. Ms. Hamdei was arrested last week and is being held in solitary confinement at Evin prison, according to her colleagues. | 伊朗《东方日报》的女记者尼卢法尔·哈梅迪率先将阿米尼的故事曝光。据她的同事说，哈梅迪上周被捕，目前被单独监禁在埃温监狱。 |
| “I see a lot of anger and a lot of rage in young women,” said Golshan, 28, a women’s rights activist from Isfahan who has organized small groups of friends to gather every night to chant, “No to hijab, no to oppression, only equal rights.” | “我在年轻女性身上看到了很多气愤和怒火，”28岁的伊斯法罕女权活动家戈尔珊说，她每晚都组织一小群朋友在一起高呼，“对头巾说不，对压迫说不，只要平权。” |
| The first night of the protests, Golshan and about 50 other women locked arms to block an intersection, calling on men to join them. One man lit a bonfire. One by one, as the crowd cheered, women pulled their hijabs off, waved them aloft and tossed them into the blaze. | 抗议活动的第一个晚上，戈尔珊和其他大约50名女性挽着胳膊封锁了一个十字路口，呼吁男性加入她们的行列。有个男人点燃了篝火。随着人群的欢呼，女人们一个接一个地摘下头巾，高高地挥舞着，然后把它们扔进火里。 |
| “We want to be heard,” she said. “We don’t have one leader. The beauty and strength of our movement is that every single one of us here is a leader.” | “我们希望被听到，”她说。“我们没有领袖。这场运动的优势和力量就在于，我们这里的每一个人都是领导者。” |
| Mariam, 34, an artist in northern Manzadaran Province, said she and her friends had not only burned their scarves, they had cut their long hair and shaved their heads. | 34岁的马里亚姆是曼扎达兰省北部的一名艺术家，她说她和她的朋友们不仅烧掉了她们的披肩，还剪了长发，剃了光头。 |
| “It’s a statement that doesn’t need explaining,” she said. “You can’t control me and you can’t define me with my hair.” | “这个宣言无需解释，”她说。“你无法控制我，也无法用我的头发来定义我。” |
| Women are paying for their defiance in blood. On Saturday night, the riot police beat Golshan with a baton, leaving her dizzy and in pain, her neck frozen. (Like others interviewed, she insisted on being identified only by her first name to avoid reprisal.) | 女性正在为她们的反抗付出血的代价。周六晚上，防暴警察用警棍殴打戈尔珊，使她头晕目眩，痛苦不堪，脖子动不了。（和其他接受采访的人一样，她坚持不透露姓氏以避免遭到报复。） |
| Two years after ultraconservative Muslim clerics seized power in the 1979 revolution, they required women in government offices to wear the head scarf, then all women and girls over age 9, justifying it with Shariah law. The hijab, they proclaimed, would protect female chastity and honor. | 通过1979年革命夺取政权两年后，极端保守的穆斯林教士依据伊斯兰教法，要求政府办公室的女性戴头巾，然后是所有九岁以上的女人和女孩。他们宣称，头巾将保护女性的贞操和荣誉。 |
| But it has also become a weak point for the regime, symbolizing social restrictions that men and women alike chafe at — and flout behind closed doors. | 但这也成为该政权的一个弱点，象征着男人和女人都讨厌的社会限制，民众私下里蔑视这些限制。 |
| Iranian women have been contesting the law mandating hijabs and long, loose robes that cloak the body for decades. The women’s rights movement has also pushed — with limited success — against laws that allowed men to divorce more easily than women, granted men exclusive custody of children, lifted restrictions on polygamy for men, lowered the marriage age for girls and required women to get their husbands’ or fathers’ permission to travel. | 几十年来，伊朗女性一直在反对强制要求戴头巾、穿宽松长袍以掩藏身体的法律。女权运动还推动抵制一些法律，但成效甚微，这些法律使男性的离婚程序比女性更容易，授予男性对孩子的专属监护权，取消对男性一夫多妻的限制，降低女孩的结婚年龄，并要求女性获得自己的丈夫或父亲许可后方能出行。 |
| But the current protests have spread far beyond the usual ranks of activists. | 但目前的抗议活动已经远远超出了平时的活动人士群体。 |
| Yasi’s mother, Minoo, seeing her daughter in Ms. Amini, signed an online petition by religious women calling for the abolition of the morality police and the repeal of the hijab mandate. Minoo says she wears the head scarf willingly, but the choice should be hers, not the government’s. | 亚西的母亲米努在阿米尼身上看到了自己的女儿，她在网上签署了一份信教女性发出的请愿书，呼吁废除道德警察并废除戴头巾的规定。米努说她自愿戴头巾，但选择应该是她的，而不是政府的。 |
| “We can’t impose what we think on one another,” she said. “I’m religious, but I’m fed up with the hypocrisy and lies of this regime treating us ordinary people like dirt.” | “我们不能把我们的想法强加给彼此，”她说。“我信教，但这个政权把我们普通人视作草芥，我受够了这种虚伪和谎言。” |
| On several nights she has driven Yasi and her friends to protests around Tehran. | 在几个晚上，她开车带亚西和她的朋友们参加德黑兰各地的抗议活动。 |
| Nahid, 65, a retired banker, said she made sandwiches and first-aid kits for the demonstrators every night. She said other women who were not directly participating let protesters sleep in their homes to avoid security forces, and gave them sweet drinks and cakes. | 65岁的退休银行家纳希德说，她每晚都为示威者制作三明治和急救包。她说，其他没有直接参与的女性让抗议者睡在她们家中以避开安全部队，并给了她们甜饮料和蛋糕。 |
| Activists say the response has been made possible by decades of quiet, grass-roots networking, even as prominent rights advocates have been imprisoned or gone into exile. | 活动人士表示，即使著名的权利倡导者已遭到监禁或流亡，数十年来默默无闻的草根网络使这种反抗成为可能。 |
| Under former President Hassan Rouhani, a moderate, young Iranians got used to a degree of flexibility, as the morality police grew less stringent. Long hair snaked from under ever-looser head scarves. Makeup got heavier, hemlines shorter. Clothing once restricted to dark, somber shades turned chartreuse and hot pink, embroidered and appliquéd. | 在前总统哈桑·鲁哈尼任职期间，随着道德警察变得不那么严格，持温和立场的年轻伊朗人习惯了一定程度的自由。头巾越来越宽松，长长的头发蜿蜒而出。妆更浓了，裙摆更短了。曾经仅限于深色、阴沉色调的服装变成了黄绿色和粉红色，上面有刺绣和贴花。 |
| In recent years, some women have dared to go even further, removing their headscarves in public in restaurants and while riding in cars, as Yasi does. | 近年来，一些女性敢于再进一步，在餐厅和乘车时公开摘下头巾，就像亚西一样。 |
| Iranian women “have never conformed to the state’s ideal of what the hijab should look like,” said Sussan Tahmasebi, a veteran Iranian women’s rights activist who lives in exile. “And we see now the emergence of a younger generation that really care about their bodily rights, and the hijab is probably the most visible infringement on their bodily rights.” | 伊朗女性“从未遵守国家对头巾的理想期待”，流亡中的伊朗资深女权活动家苏珊·塔赫马塞比说。“而且我们现在看到了真正关心自己身体权利的年轻一代的出现，而头巾可能是对她们身体权利最明显的侵犯。” |
| Successive governments, including Mr. Rouhani’s, periodically cracked down on hijab noncompliance with fines, arrests and verbal warnings, but hard-liners were impatient to reverse the liberalizing tide. Since Ebrahim Raisi, an ultraconservative, became president a year ago, he has systematically tightened enforcement of strict social and religious rules. | 包括鲁哈尼在内的历届政府都定期通过罚款、逮捕和口头警告来打击不遵守头巾的行为，但强硬派急于扭转自由化的潮流。自从一年前就任总统以来，极端保守的易卜拉欣·莱希系统地加强了严格的社会和宗教规则的执行。 |
| In July, the president ordered all “responsible entities and institutions” to devise a strategy for stepping up hijab enforcement. Violations, he said, were damaging the values of the Islamic Republic and “promoting corruption.” | 7月，总统下令所有“主管实体和机构”制定策略加强头巾法的执行。他说，违规行为正在损害伊斯兰共和国的价值观并“助长堕落”。 |
| Iran’s chief prosecutor declared his support for barring women who were improperly covered from getting access to social and government services, including the subway. The Ministry of Guidance ordered movie theaters to stop showing women in ads. | 伊朗首席检察官宣布支持禁止未适当遮盖的女性使用包括地铁在内的社会和政府服务。指导部下令电影院停止在广告中出现女性。 |
| The backlash to the policy has come not just from the country’s secular camp, but also from religious and conservative Iranians who said it would only deepen the divide between the government and its people. | 对该政策的强烈反对不仅来自该国的世俗阵营，还来自宗教和保守派伊朗人，他们表示这只会加深政府与人民之间的分歧。 |
| But the clerical establishment was unmoved, blaming the reaction on foreign interference. “In the history of Islamic Iran, the life of the women of Iran has always been associated with chastity and hijab,” Mr. Raisi said last month. | 但神职政权不为所动，将民众的反应归咎于外国干涉。“在伊斯兰伊朗的历史上，伊朗女性的生活一直与贞操和头巾联系在一起，”莱希上个月说。 |
| His campaign spurred growing tension and violence in the months before Ms. Amini’s death. Cafes were shut for allowing bareheaded customers. Videos on social media showed morality police officers insulting, beating and dragging women into vans to be sent for “re-education” in proper hijab. | 在阿米尼去世数月前，莱希的运动就已经引发了日益严重的紧张局势和暴力事件。咖啡馆因允许不戴头巾的顾客进入而关闭。社交媒体上的视频显示，道德警察侮辱、殴打女性并将其拖入警车，然后戴上规范的头巾去接受“再教育”。 |
| In one widely seen video, the mother of a woman who had been arrested threw herself in front of a moving morality police van, screaming: “My daughter is sick. I beg you not to take her.” | 在一段广为流传的视频中，一名被捕女性的母亲扑到一辆行驶中的道德警车前，尖叫道：“我的女儿病了。我求你不要带走她。” |
| Sapideh Rashno, a 28-year-old writer who had taken off her head scarf on a bus, was caught on video in mid-July arguing with a conservatively dressed woman who berated her for “improper dress.” Ms. Rashno was arrested. Two weeks later, state television broadcast an interview showing her apologizing for the episode, her face bruised and her eyes ringed with purple circles. | 7月中旬，28岁的作家萨皮德·拉什诺在公共汽车上摘下了头巾，一段视频显示，她与一名穿着保守的女人争吵，后者斥责她“穿着不当”。拉什诺被捕。两周后，国家电视台播出了一段采访，显示她为这一事件道歉，她的脸上有淤痕，眼睛上有一圈紫色。 |
| Her case prompted a public outcry. But with the explosion of protests, the conversation has moved beyond the hijab to the system itself. | 她的事引起了公众的强烈抗议。但随着抗议活动的爆发，讨论已经从头巾转移到了体制本身。 |
| “The hijab is a symbolic thing that has brought women to the front and center,” said Nazli Kamvari, an Iranian-Canadian feminist author, “but it connects them to all sorts of discrimination that everyone is facing.” | 伊朗裔加拿大女权主义作家纳兹利·卡姆瓦里说：“头巾是一种象征性的东西，它把女性带到了前沿和中心，但它将她们与每个人都面临的各种歧视联系在一起。” |
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