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为什么日本民众反对为安倍举行国葬
Why Japan Is Angry About a State Funeral for an Assassinated Leader

来源:纽约时报    2022-09-26 01:40



        TOKYO — Nearly three months after Shinzo Abe, Japan’s most influential and longest-serving prime minister, was gunned down in broad daylight at a campaign stop, his death is still reverberating, though in ways few would have predicted.        东京——三个月前,日本最具影响力、任职时间最长的首相安倍晋三在参加竞选活动时,于光天化日之下遭到枪杀,如今安倍之死仍在引发反响,尽管是以很少有人预计的方式。
        An outpouring of anger prompted by the assassination has been directed not at the killer, his ability to make and deploy a firearm in a country where guns are tightly restricted, or the security detail that failed to protect Mr. Abe. Instead, the public has turned its ire toward the slain leader’s long-governing Liberal Democratic Party and its plan to hold a state funeral for him next week.        暗杀引发的众怒情绪不是针对凶手,不是针对他在一个枪支管制严格的国家居然可以制造、使用枪支,也不是针对未能保护安倍晋三的安保人员,而是这位被害领导人长期执政的自民党及其下周为他举行国葬的计划。
        Fumio Kishida, the current prime minister, is suffering his worst approval ratings since he became the party’s leader last fall. Any sense of public mourning seems to have faded as thousands of protesters have taken to the streets or signed petitions opposing the state funeral, complaining that the ceremony is a waste of public money and was unilaterally imposed upon the country by Mr. Kishida and his cabinet.        现任首相岸田文雄正面临自去年秋天成为该党领袖以来最糟糕的支持率。随着数千名抗议者走上街头、签署请愿书反对国葬,公众的哀悼情绪似乎已经消退。他们抱怨葬礼浪费公款,是岸田及其内阁单方面强加给国家的。
        Mr. Abe’s assassination has also set off a wave of uncomfortable revelations about ties between governing party politicians and a fringe religious group. Tetsuya Yamagami, the man charged with Mr. Abe’s murder, had written before the shooting of his anger at the Unification Church — a South Korea-based group with significant operations and legal entanglements in Japan — and its involvement in the nation’s politics.        安倍晋三遇刺事件还引发了一系列爆料,针对的是执政党政客与一个非主流的宗教团体之间令人不安的关系。被控谋杀安倍的男子山上彻也在枪击前曾写下对统一教会及其介入日本政治的愤怒。统一教会总部位于韩国,在日本非常活跃,并陷入法律纠纷。
        And in perhaps the biggest twist, Mr. Yamagami, far from being reviled, has struck a deep chord among the Japanese public with his story. For weeks, Japan’s often quiescent news media has dug into the church’s business in Japan and the connections between politicians and a group accused of preying on vulnerable people, including Mr. Yamagami’s mother, for its financial gain.        或许最大的转折是,山上的说法不但没有受到斥责,反而在日本公众中引发了极大的共鸣。数周来,日本媒体一反常态,一直在挖掘该教会在日本的运作情况,以及广大政客与这样一个被指控为了谋取经济利益而掠夺弱势群体(其中包括山上的母亲)的团体之间的关系。
        With hundreds of international dignitaries set to land in Tokyo for the state funeral on Tuesday — the first for a Japanese prime minister in 55 years — the backlash has also become a referendum on Mr. Abe’s nearly eight consecutive years in power. While Mr. Abe was largely lionized on the global stage, he was much more divisive in his home country, and those who opposed his right-leaning policies are now airing myriad grievances about his reign.        随着数百名国际政要将于周二抵达东京参加国葬——这是55年来首次为日本首相举行的国葬,这场反弹也变成了针对安倍近八年执政的全民公投。虽然在全球舞台上大受赞赏,但安倍在自己国家却存在很大争议,那些反对其右倾政策的人现在对他的统治表达了大量不满。
        Azumi Tamura, an associate professor of sociology at Shiga University, said that those critical of the state funeral believed it would wrongly elevate a politician who was involved in a number of controversial decisions and scandals, including accusations that his government had improperly granted favors to political friends and mishandled the early days of the coronavirus pandemic.        滋贺大学社会学副教授田村亚澄(音)表示,那些批评国葬的人认为,这将错误地抬高一位涉及许多有争议的决定和丑闻的政治人物,包括人们指控他的政府不正当地为政治上的友方给予照顾,并且在新冠疫情初期处理不当。
        “Now people think ‘why didn’t more people get mad at the time?’” she said. “These are the issues that should have dragged his government down, and they didn’t.”        “现在人们想‘为什么当时没有更多的人生气?’”她说。“这些问题本应拖垮他的政府,但事实上却没有。”
        While voters may continue to keep Mr. Abe’s party in power in the name of stability, they are voicing their critique of his actions in life by opposing the effort to honor him in death.        虽然选民可能会继续以稳定的名义让安倍的政党执政,但他们反对在他死后大举悼念,借此表达对他生前所作所为的批评。
        At a protest on Monday against the funeral, thousands of people gathered in Yoyogi Park in central Tokyo and raised multicolored flags representing a cornucopia of causes: women’s empowerment, disability rights, L.G.B.T.Q. allegiance and opposition to nuclear power or American military bases.        在上周一一场反对国葬的抗议活动中,数千人聚集在东京市中心的代代木公园,举着五颜六色的旗帜,它们代表着不同的运动:女性赋权、残疾人权利、拥护LGBTQ,以及反对核能或美国军事基地。
        “I think that it’s important for all of us to get together like this and express our feelings,” said Shuhei Sato, 42, who stood out in the rain. “What Abe did, what he stood for, everybody he hurt — it is not OK.”        “我认为,我们大家像这样聚在一起,表达我们的感受是很重要的事情,”42岁的佐藤树平(音)冒着雨站出来说道。“安倍的所作所为,他所代表的,还有他给每一个人造成的伤害——是不对的。”
        Internationally, Mr. Abe earned praise for his early success in jump-starting Japan’s moribund economy, his hosting of President Barack Obama in the first American presidential visit to Hiroshima and his adroit handling of a mercurial President Donald J. Trump. He also helped hold together a sweeping multinational trade agreement intended as a bulwark against China even after Mr. Trump withdrew the United States from it.        安倍在国际上赢得赞誉,包括在早期成功启动日本停滞不前的经济、接待首次访问广岛的美国总统奥巴马,以及娴熟应对善变的总统特朗普。他还帮助维持了一项被视为对抗中国堡垒的全面多国贸易协定,即使是在特朗普让美国退出了该协议之后也是如此。
        At home, his reputation was cloudier. He was criticized for strong-arming the news media and overriding huge public and opposition party protests as he pushed through legislation that reinterpreted Japan’s pacifist Constitution and authorized overseas combat missions alongside allied troops. Women expressed disappointment at his failure to deliver on his promises to overhaul centuries of patriarchal dominance.        在国内,他的名声就没有那么好了。在推动重新解释日本和平宪法并授权与盟军一起执行海外作战任务的立法时,他因对新闻媒体进行强硬压制、无视公众和反对党的大规模抗议而受到批评。女性对他未能兑现彻底改变几个世纪来父权统治地位的承诺也表示失望。
        “What is most regrettable is that a politician’s funeral is still being held while over half of Japanese voters are against holding this state funeral,” Katsuya Okada, the secretary general of the Constitutional Democratic Party, the largest opposition party, said at a news briefing this past week. Some media polls show that more than 60 percent of the public opposes the funeral.        最大在野党立宪民主党的干事长冈田克也在上周的新闻发布会上说:“最令人遗憾的是,即使日本一半以上的选民反对,一名政治人物的国葬仍将举行。”一些媒体民意调查显示,超过60%的公众反对国葬。
        Even more damaging have been the continuing disclosures about extensive connections between the Unification Church — which Mr. Yamagami said had bilked his mother of nearly $1 million — and the Liberal Democratic Party.        更有破坏性的是,关于统一教会和自民党之间的广泛联系不断曝光——山上说统一教会从他母亲那里骗走近100万美元。
        So far, the party has announced that almost half of the 379 Liberal Democratic members of Parliament have acknowledged ties with the Unification Church, ranging from sending congratulatory telegrams to organizations affiliated with the church to appearing at church conferences.        到目前为止,自民党宣布,在379名自民党议员中,有近一半承认与统一教会有联系,包括向统一教会所属团体发送祝电、出席统一教会会议等。
        “The assassination is directly responsible for shining a light on the dark area of cooperation between the Unification Church and the L.D.P.,” said Jeffrey J. Hall, a professor at Kanda University of International Studies who researches Japanese politics.        “刺杀事件直接暴光了统一教会和自民党之间合作的黑暗领域,”神田外语大学研究日本政治的教授杰弗里·霍尔说。
        As the Unification Church’s actions have been exposed, Mr. Yamagami has become a kind of romantic antihero for some people who have felt buffeted by economic and social forces beyond their control, said Tamaki Kawasaki, a journalist who has closely tracked the public’s response to Mr. Abe’s death.        密切追踪公众对安倍之死反应的记者河崎环说,随着统一教会的行为曝光,山上在一些人眼里已经成为了浪漫反派英雄,这些人觉得自己受到了无法控制的经济和社会力量的打击。
        Over the past several decades, stagnant growth and widening inequality — caused in part by Mr. Abe’s economic policies — have created a generation that has “a strong sense that they’re victims,” Ms. Kawasaki said.        河崎说,在过去几十年里,增长停滞和不平等扩大——部分是由安倍晋三的经济政策造成的——造就了“强烈感觉自己是受害者”的一代。
        Online, a group of women whom Ms. Kawasaki has dubbed “Yamagami Girls” have rhapsodized about Mr. Yamagami’s looks and the bookish intelligence they say he demonstrated on his Twitter account. Well-wishers have deluged his jailers with care packages, according to Mr. Yamagami’s uncle, who has grudgingly received them at his home.        在网上,一群被河崎称为“山上女孩”的女性盛赞山上的长相,还说她们喜欢他在Twitter上表现出的书卷气。据山上的叔叔说,祝福者向关押他的地方寄去了大量爱心包裹,他迫不得已只得将它们拿回家。
        Even a sympathetic biopic of Mr. Yamagami is headed to theaters. Masao Adachi, a film director and former radical leftist, said he planned to screen the movie in a limited number of art house cinemas on the day of Mr. Abe’s funeral before releasing a full version nationwide early next year.        甚至还有一部同情山上的传记片上映。电影导演、前激进左翼分子足立正生说,他计划在安倍晋三葬礼当天,在几家艺术影院放映这部电影,明年初在全国发行完整版。
        The spotlight on the Unification Church has also fallen on the governing party’s longstanding collaboration with another group of religious-backed politicians.        对统一教会的关注也落在了日本执政党与另一个宗教支持的政治团体的长期合作上。
        Komeito, a party originally formed by Soka Gakkai, a Buddhist movement, has been the Liberal Democrats’ ruling coalition partner since 1999. Soka Gakkai’s members campaign for Komeito candidates and deliver a bloc of votes that the Liberal Democrats can count on to support them in government.        公明党最初是由佛教组织创价学会组建的,自1999年以来一直是自民党的执政联盟伙伴。创价学会的成员为公明党候选人助选,并为自民党输送了大批坚定选票,支持他们执政。
        “Certainly a violent incident is when everything is laid bare,” said Levi McLaughlin, an associate professor of philosophy and religious studies at North Carolina State University who specializes in Japan. “Soka Gakkai has been the subject of this kind of criticism for many decades.”        “当然,暴力事件令一切都暴露出来,”北卡罗莱纳州立大学研究日本问题的哲学和宗教副教授列维·麦克劳克林说。“几十年来,创价学会一直受到这样的批评。”
        Daisaku Hiraki, a Komeito member of the Upper House of Parliament, said a major difference in the case of the Unification Church was that the connections were out of public view.        参议院的公明党议员平木大作表示,统一教会案的一个主要不同之处在于,这样的联系是在公众视野之外。
        “Right now the public is casting a critical eye on the L.D.P. and the Unification Church because people are saying we didn’t know about the relationship between the two organizations,” Mr. Hiraki said in an interview in his office. With Soka Gakkai and Komeito, he said, “the relationship is very transparent.”        “目前,公众对自民党和统一教会持批评态度,因为人们说,我们不知道这两个组织之间的关系,”平木大作在自己的办公室接受采访时说。他表示,创价学会和公明党的关系“非常透明”。
        But even as the public has found its voice in opposing the state funeral, a political transformation is unlikely, said Shigeru Ishiba, a prominent Liberal Democratic member of Parliament who nearly defeated Mr. Abe in a contest for the party leadership in 2012.        不过,著名的自民党议员石破茂说,即使公众已经发出了反对国葬的声音,政治上出现变化的可能性也不会太大。石破茂在2012年的党内党魁竞选中险些击败安倍晋三。
        “Mr. Kishida’s support rate is dropping, but support for the opposition parties hasn’t gone up,” he said. “The public is upset. They’re uncertain. I guess they’re just at a loss for what to do.”        “岸田的支持率在下降,但反对党的支持率并没有上升,”他说。“公众感到不安。他们不确定。我猜他们只是不知道该怎么做。”
        Protest organizers said they held out hope that the public would be galvanized.        抗议活动组织者表示,他们希望公众可以受到激励。
        Nahoko Hishiyama, 33, an organizer of the large protest in Yoyogi Park and secretary general of a grass-roots organization that opposes a proposal by Mr. Abe to revise the pacifist Constitution, said activists could target city and prefectural elections to put pressure on the national government.        33岁的菱山南帆子是代代木公园大规模抗议活动的组织者之一,也是一个反对安倍晋三修改和平宪法提议的草根组织的秘书长。她说,活动人士可以把市县选举为目标,向国家政府施加压力。
        “The Japanese,” she said, “need to think of themselves as people who, if they raise their voices, can change things.”        “日本人需要把自己看作只要提高声音,就能带来改变的人,”她说。
                
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