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| The 22-year-old woman emerged from the Tehran subway, her dark hair covered with a black head scarf and the lines of her body obscured by loose clothing, when the capital city’s Guidance Patrol spotted her. They were members of Iran’s notorious morality police, enforcers of the conservative Islamic dress and behavior rules that have governed daily life for Iranians since the 1979 revolution, and newly energized under a hard-line president who took office last year. | 当首都的风纪巡逻队看到这名22岁的女子时，她正走出德黑兰的地铁站，黑色的头巾盖住了她的深色头发，宽松的衣服遮住了她的身体曲线。这些人是伊朗臭名昭著的道德警察，伊斯兰保守着装和行为准则的执行者，这些准则从1979年革命以后就一直支配着伊朗人的日常生活，并在去年上任的强硬派总统领导下被注入新的动力。 |
| By their standards, Mahsa Amini was improperly dressed, which could mean something as simple as a wisp of hair protruding from her head scarf. They put her in a van and drove her away to a detention center, where she was to undergo re-education. Three days later, on Sept. 16, she was dead. | 按照他们的标准，玛莎·阿米尼穿着不当，这可能意味着像一缕头发露在头巾外面这样的小事。他们把她带上一辆面包车，押送到一个拘留中心，在那里她将接受再教育。三天后，也就是9月16日，她死了。 |
| Now, over eight days of rage, exhilaration and street battles, the most significant outpouring of anger with the ruling system in more than a decade, her name is everywhere. Iranian protesters in dozens of cities have chanted “women, life and freedom” and “death to the dictator,” rejecting the Iranian Republic’s theocratic rule by targeting one of its most fundamental and divisive symbols — the ailing supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. | 现在，在八天的愤怒、激动和街头打斗中，她的名字无处不在，这是十多年来人们对统治体制的愤怒情绪的一次大爆发。数十个城市的伊朗抗议者高呼“女性、生命和自由”和“独裁者去死”，反对伊朗共和国的神权统治，将矛头对准伊朗最根本、最具分裂性的象征之一——正在病中的最高领袖阿亚图拉·阿里·哈梅内伊。 |
| In several of the videos of the uprising that have torn across social media, women rip off their head scarves and burn them in street bonfires, including in deeply religious cities such as Qum and Mashhad. In one, a young woman atop a utility cabinet cuts off her hair in front of a crowd of roaring demonstrators. In another, young women dare to dance bareheaded in front of the riot police. | 在社交媒体上流传的一些骚乱视频中，包括在库姆和马什哈德等宗教信仰浓厚的城市，女性扯下头巾并扔到街头篝火中焚烧。在一个视频中，一名年轻女子站在变电箱上，在怒吼的示威者面前剪掉了自己的头发。在另一个视频中，年轻女性大胆地在防暴警察面前不戴头巾跳舞。 |
| “Death to the dictator,” protesters at Tehran University chanted on Saturday. “Death to the head scarf! Until when must we tolerate such humiliation?” | 周六，德黑兰大学的抗议者高呼“独裁者去死”。“头巾去死！这种屈辱我们必须忍受到什么时候？” |
| Previous protests — over fraudulent elections in 2009, economic mismanagement in 2017 and fuel price hikes in 2019 — have been ruthlessly suppressed by Iran’s security forces, and this time may be no different. Yet, for the first time since the founding of the Iranian Republic, the current uprising has united rich Iranians descending from high-rise apartments in northern Tehran with struggling bazaar vendors in its working-class south, and Kurds, Turks and other ethnic minorities with members of the Fars majority. | 此前的抗议活动——2009年的选举舞弊、2017年的经济管理不善和2019年的燃油价格上涨——都遭到伊朗安全部队的无情镇压，这次可能也不例外。不过，自伊朗共和国成立以来，目前的骚乱首次将德黑兰北部住在高层公寓里的富裕伊朗人与南部工人阶级社区苦苦挣扎的集市小贩团结在一起，将库尔德人、土耳其人和其他少数民族与多数派的法尔斯人团结在一起。 |
| The sheer diversity of the protesters reflects the breadth of Iranians’ grievances, analysts say, from a sickly economy and in-your-face corruption, to political repression and social restrictions — frustrations Iran’s government has repeatedly tried, and failed, to quash. | 分析人士称，抗议群体的多元性反映了伊朗人的广泛不满，从千疮百孔的经济和的肆无忌惮的腐败，到政治镇压和社会限制——伊朗政府一再试图平息这些不满，但都失败了。 |
| “The anger isn’t over just Mahsa’s death, but that she should have never been arrested in the first place,” said Shadi Sadr, a prominent human rights lawyer who has campaigned for Iranian women’s rights for two decades. | “愤怒不仅仅是因为玛莎的死，还因为她本来就不应该被逮捕，”20年来一直在为伊朗女性争取权利的著名人权律师沙迪·萨德尔说。 |
| “Because they have nothing to lose,” she added, “they are standing up and saying, ‘Enough of this. I am willing to die to have a life worth living.’” | “因为他们没有什么可失去了，”她还说，“他们站起来说，‘受够了。为了能有价值地活着，我愿意去死。’” |
| Information about the protests remains partial at best. Internet access continues to be disrupted or fully blocked, especially on widely used messaging apps such as WhatsApp and Instagram, making it difficult for Iranians to communicate with one another or to share updates on the unrest with the outside world. | 有关抗议活动的信息仍然不多。互联网访问继续受到阻扰或完全封锁，尤其是在如WhatsApp和Instagram等广泛使用的消息应用程序上，这使得伊朗人难以相互交流或与外界分享骚乱的最新消息。 |
| But witnesses say the demonstrations, which spread to at least 80 cities on Saturday, are the most forceful, vitriolic and emboldened they can remember, far more intense than the previous tremors of unrest. Desperate to damage the powers-that-be before the inevitable crackdown, videos circulating on social media and shared with The New York Times show, protesters have set fire to security vehicles and assaulted members of Iran’s widely feared paramilitary forces, in some cases killing them. | 但目击者称，周六蔓延至至少80个城市的示威活动是他们记忆中最强烈、最尖锐、最胆大的一次，远比之前的骚乱剧烈得多。在不可避免的镇压发生前，人们不顾一切地破坏既有权力，在社交媒体上流传并被分享给《纽约时报》的视频显示，抗议者放火焚烧安全部门的车辆，并袭击伊朗民众普遍害怕的准军事部队成员，有时将他们杀死。 |
| The information that has leaked out, after many hours’ delay, also suggests an escalating crackdown. The authorities have moved to crush the demonstrations with violence, including live fire and tear gas. Dozens of people have died. The Committee to Protect Journalists said on Saturday that at least 17 journalists had been detained, including one of the first to report on Ms. Amini’s hospitalization, and arrests of activists are also mounting. | 经过数小时延迟后泄露的信息也表明镇压正在升级。当局已采取行动以暴力镇压示威活动，包括用实弹和催泪瓦斯。数十人死亡。保护记者委员会周六表示，至少有17名记者被拘留，其中包括最先报道阿米尼住院的记者之一，越来越多活动人士被逮捕。 |
| With Iran’s economy at a nadir and Ayatollah Khamenei in ill health, the government is likely to dig in rather than show any signs of weakness, analysts said. But violence will only buy time, they say, not long-term peace. | 分析人士表示，由于伊朗经济处于最低点，并且阿亚图拉·哈梅内伊的健康状况不佳，政府可能会下重手镇压而不是表现出任何疲软迹象。但他们说，暴力只能用来争取时间，而不是长期和平。 |
| The regime’s top leaders have “always said, ‘We’re not going to make concessions, because if we make one small concession, we’ll have to make bigger concessions,’” said Mohamed Ali Kadivar, an Iranian-born sociologist at Boston College who studies protest movements in Iran and elsewhere. “Maybe they’ll push people off the street, but because people want change, repression is not going to stop this. Even with a crackdown, then they would just go home for a while and come back.” | 伊朗政权的最高领导人“总是说，‘我们不会做出让步，因为如果我们做出一个小小的让步，我们就必须做出更大的让步，’”生于伊朗、研究伊朗和其他地方抗议运动的波士顿学院社会学家穆罕默德·阿里·卡迪瓦尔说。“也许他们会把人们从街头赶走，但因为人们希望改变，镇压不能阻止这一切。即使受到镇压，人们也只会回家一段时间，然后再回来。” |
| Avenues for pushback have dwindled in recent years, leaving Iranians with only protest as a means of demanding change. Just how much their political freedoms had shrunk became clear last year, when the country’s leadership disqualified virtually all candidates except the supreme leader’s preferred one, the ultraconservative Ebrahim Raisi, from the presidential election. In the process, they degraded what had once been a forum for Iranians to debate political issues and choose their representatives, even if the candidates were always preselected from within the governing apparatus. | 近年来，抵制的途径越来越少，伊朗人只能以抗议作为要求变革的手段。伊朗的政治自由受到了何等程度的限制在去年得到了清晰的呈现——该国领导层取消了几乎所有候选人的总统选举资格，只有最高领袖青睐的极端保守派易卜拉欣·莱希除外。此举等于将一个伊朗人讨论政治问题和选择代表的论坛降级，尽管候选人一向都是从执政机构内部预选的。 |
| Mr. Raisi opposed returning to the 2015 nuclear deal with the United States that had put limits on Iranian nuclear development in exchange for lifting sanctions and economic openness. His election, combined with the worsening economy, left Iranians who craved better opportunities, more social freedoms and closer ties with the rest of the world in despair. | 莱希反对重返2015年与美国达成的核协议，该协议限制伊朗的核研发，以换取取消制裁和经济开放。他的当选，再加上不断恶化的经济，让渴望更好的机会、更多社会自由以及与世界其他地区更紧密联系的伊朗人陷入绝望。 |
| “The reason the younger generation is taking this kind of risk is because they feel they have nothing to lose, they have no hope for the future,” said Ali Vaez, Iran director for the International Crisis Group, noting that protests were now a regular feature in Iran. | “年轻一代冒这种风险，是因为他们觉得自己没什么可失去的，对未来没有希望，”国际危机组伊朗事务主管阿里·瓦埃兹说。他指出，抗议活动现在在伊朗已成为常态。 |
| By continually blocking reforms, the country’s leadership has “created a situation where people no longer believe that the system is reformable,” he added. “I think people would be willing to tolerate a milder version of the Islamic Republic, but they’ve just entrenched their positions and have created this situation. It’s turned Iran into a tinderbox.” | 他还说，通过不断阻碍改革，该国领导层“造成了一种人们不再相信体制可以改革的局面”。“我认为人们愿意容忍一个更温和的伊斯兰共和国，但他们却强化了自己的立场，造成了这种局面。这把伊朗变成了一个火药桶。” |
| The head scarf, known as the hijab, is an especially inflammatory issue: The law requiring women to wear loose robes and cover their hair in public has been a pillar of the ruling theocracy and a lightning rod for reform-minded Iranians for decades, drawing one of the first protests against the ayatollahs after the 1979 revolution from women who did not want to be forced to cover up. | 头巾是一个特别具有煽动性的问题：几十年来，要求女性在公共场合穿宽松长袍并盖住头发的法律一直是神权政治的支柱，也是最能刺激具有改革思想的伊朗人的话题，在1979年革命后，这促使不愿被迫遮盖的女性发起了最早的一些反阿亚图拉抗议。 |
| During the tenure of Mr. Raisi’s predecessor, the reformist Hassan Rouhani, the morality police had been discouraged from enforcing Iran’s often draconian laws against women, particularly the requirement that they wear the hijab in public in the proper fashion, entirely covering their hair. That led to young women showing more hair, even in devoutly conservative cities such as Qum. Unmarried men and women were allowed to mingle in public in some places, while contemporary Western music thumped in Western-style cafes in upscale northern Tehran. | 在莱希的前任、改革派哈桑·鲁哈尼任职期间，社会不鼓励道德警察执行伊朗针对女性的严厉法律，尤其是要求她们在公共场合以适当的方式佩戴头巾、完全遮住头发的规定。这令年轻女性可以露出更多头发，甚至在像库姆这样虔诚保守的城市也是如此。在一些地方，未婚男女被允许在公共场合来往，而在德黑兰北部高尚社区的西式咖啡馆里会播放现代西方音乐。 |
| But the country’s conservative leadership saw the slippage in standards as a threat to the republic’s theocratic foundations. Mr. Raisi called in July for the conservative dress laws to be implemented “in full,” saying that “the enemies of Iran and Islam” were targeting the “religious foundations and values of the society,” the official news agency IRNA reported. | 但该国的保守派领导人认为，降低标准对该国的政教合一基础构成了威胁。据伊朗官方通讯社IRNA报道，今年7月，莱希呼吁“全面”执行保守的着装法，称“伊朗和伊斯兰教的敌人”正在针对“社会的宗教基础和价值观”。 |
| Over the summer, Iran’s morality police, which patrols public areas for infringements of Islamic rules, stepped up enforcement of hijab standards, and three coffee shops in central Qum were closed down for having bareheaded customers. In a video that was widely shared on Iranian social media in July, a mother threw herself in front of a van taking away her daughter for violating hijab rules and screamed, “My daughter is sick, I beg you not to take her.” | 整个夏天，伊朗的道德警察都在公共场所巡逻，寻找违反伊斯兰教规的行为，并且加强了对头巾标准的执行。在库姆市中心，有三家咖啡馆因顾客没有戴头巾而被关闭。今年7月，伊朗的社交媒体上有许多人在转发一段视频，一位母亲冲到一辆面包车前，这辆车正要带走她违反头巾规定的女儿。她尖叫道：“我女儿在生病，求求你们不要带她走。” |
| The backlash to Ms. Amini’s death has been so strong that religiously conservative Iranians have spoken up alongside liberal ones. On social media, women who wear the hijab by choice have started solidarity campaigns questioning the harsh enforcement of the laws, and a prominent religious leader has said the morality police were only driving young women away from religion. Even tightly controlled state media outlets have acknowledged the issue, broadcasting at least three debates that featured reformist voices — a rarity. | 阿米尼之死引发强烈不满，甚至那些宗教立场保守的伊朗人也与自由派人士共同发声。在社交媒体上，选择戴头巾的女性发起了声援运动，对法律的严苛提出质疑。一位著名的宗教领袖表示，道德警察这么做只会让年轻女性远离宗教。甚至连受到严格控制的官方媒体也认为这么做是有问题的，至少播出了三场以改革派观点为特色的辩论——这是很罕见的做法。 |
| The authorities have denied using violence on Ms. Amini. They claimed that she suffered from an underlying health condition, which her family has disputed, and that she had a heart attack in custody. But to many Iranians, photos of her lying on a hospital bed, her face bloodied, told a different story. | 当局否认对阿米尼使用了暴力。他们声称她的身体本来就有健康问题，但她的家人并不认同这个说法，他们还说她在拘留期间心脏病发作。但对许多伊朗人来说，她躺在医院病床上、脸上带血的照片讲述了一个不同的故事。 |
| While Mr. Raisi has promised an investigation in a small nod to the fury, Iran’s response to the protests has been to give no quarter. It is the same as in previous uprisings: bullets, tear gas, arrests and blood. | 虽然总统莱希承诺进行调查，算是对民众愤怒情绪的一个交代，但政府对抗议活动的反应却毫不留情。子弹、催泪瓦斯、逮捕和鲜血，还是与过去发生骚乱时如出一辙。 |
| In 2009, millions of urban, educated Iranians flooded the streets of cities across the country, furious at what they believed was election rigging by their leaders to guarantee a hard-line president and thwart reforms. The elite Revolutionary Guards and the Basij paramilitary forces opened fire, killing dozens and arresting far more, and eventually the “Green Movement” was stamped out. | 2009年，数百万受过教育的伊朗城市人涌上各地街头，他们怒火中烧，认为领导人操纵选举以确保强硬派总统当选，而且还阻挠改革。精锐部队革命卫队和巴斯基准军事组织开枪打死数十人，逮捕了更多人，最终将“绿色革命”镇压。 |
| As 2017 turned to 2018, protesters in dozens of cities demonstrated against high inflation and a weak economy. Again, they were met with force. In 2019, the government abruptly hiked gasoline prices, sparking weeklong protests by Iranians fed up with ever-thinning wallets, corruption and repression. The authorities killed at least 300 in the crackdown that followed, according to Amnesty International, and slowed the protests’ momentum by blocking or disrupting the internet. | 在2017年底和2018年初，数十个城市出现了示威活动，抗议物价飞涨和经济疲软。这一次，他们再次遭遇了武力镇压。2019年，政府突然提高油价，引发了伊朗人长达一周的抗议，他们对日益瘪下去的钱包、腐败和镇压忍无可忍。据国际特赦组织称，当局在随后的镇压中杀死了至少300人，并通过屏蔽或者断网来减缓抗议势头。 |
| The internet outages have now returned. To help Iranians access the internet, the Biden administration on Friday authorized technology companies to offer secure platforms and services inside Iran without risk of violating United States sanctions that normally prevent doing business with Iran. It also greenlit the export of private satellite internet equipment, such as the Starlink service offered by Elon Musk’s SpaceX, to Iran. | 现在，互联网服务再次中断。为了帮助伊朗人上网，拜登政府周五授权科技公司在伊朗境内提供安全的平台和服务，而不用担心违反通常禁止与伊朗有业务往来的美国制裁令。它还批准向伊朗出口私人卫星互联网设备，例如埃隆·马斯克的SpaceX公司提供的星链服务。 |
| But Iranians may face odds that are too great. | 但伊朗人仍然面临着极其困难的局面。 |
| “At some stage, I think it’ll become impossible for them to control these movements,” Mr. Vaez said of the governing authorities. “But as of now, the system is bound to bring down its iron fist and try to nip this movement in the bud.” | “到某个阶段，我认为他们将不可能控制这些运动，”瓦埃兹在谈到当局时说。“但就目前而言，这个体制必然会施以铁腕，要将这场运动扼杀在萌芽状态。” |
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