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戈尔巴乔夫逝世:终结冷战掀开“铁幕”、任内苏联解体
Mikhail S. Gorbachev, Reformist Soviet Leader, Is Dead at 91

来源:纽约时报    2022-09-01 10:48



        Mikhail S. Gorbachev, whose rise to power in the Soviet Union set in motion a series of revolutionary changes that transformed the map of Europe and ended the Cold War that had threatened the world with nuclear annihilation, has died in Moscow. He was 91.
        米哈伊尔·谢尔盖耶维奇·戈尔巴乔夫在莫斯科去世,享年91岁,他在苏联的掌权引发了一系列革命性变革,改变了欧洲版图,结束了令世界面临核毁灭威胁的冷战。
        His death was announced on Tuesday by Russia’s state news agencies, citing the city’s central clinical hospital. The reports said he had died after an unspecified “long and grave illness.”        俄罗斯国家新闻机构周二援引该市中央临床医院的消息宣布了他的死讯。报道称,他死于未指明的“长期严重疾病”。
        Few leaders in the 20th century, indeed in any century, have had such a profound effect on their time. In little more than six tumultuous years, Mr. Gorbachev lifted the Iron Curtain, decisively altering the political climate of the world.        在20世纪,事实上,在任何一个世纪,很少有哪位领导人能对时代产生如此深远的影响。在短短六年多动荡的时间里,戈尔巴乔夫掀开了“铁幕”,决定性地改变了世界的政治气候。
        At home he promised and delivered greater openness as he set out to restructure his country’s society and faltering economy. It was not his intention to liquidate the Soviet empire, but within five years of coming to power he had presided over the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. He ended the Soviet debacle in Afghanistan and, in an extraordinary five months in 1989, stood by as the Communist system imploded from the Baltics to the Balkans in countries already weakened by widespread corruption and moribund economies.        在国内,他承诺并实现了更大的开放,着手重组该国社会和摇摇欲坠的经济。他并不想消灭苏联帝国,但是在他上台后的五年内,他主持了苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟的解体。他结束了苏联在阿富汗的溃败;而在1989年非同寻常的五个月里,从波罗的海到巴尔干地区,在那些已被广泛腐败和停滞经济削弱的国家里,共产主义制度陆续崩溃,他也只是袖手旁观。
        For this he was hounded from office by hard-line Communist plotters and disappointed liberals alike, the first group fearing that he would destroy the old system and the other worried that he would not.        因此,他被强硬的共产主义密谋者和失望的自由主义者赶下了台,前者担心他会摧毁旧体制,后者则担心他不会。
        It was abroad that he was hailed as heroic. To George F. Kennan, the distinguished American diplomat and Sovietologist, Mr. Gorbachev was “a miracle,” a man who saw the world as it was, unblinkered by Soviet ideology.        在国外,他被誉为英雄。对于著名的美国外交官和苏联问题专家乔治·凯南来说,戈尔巴乔夫是一个“奇迹”,他不受苏联意识形态的影响,看到了世界的本来面貌。
        But to many inside Russia, the upheaval Mr. Gorbachev had wrought was a disaster. President Vladimir V. Putin called the collapse of the Soviet Union the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century.” For Mr. Putin — and his fellow K.G.B. veterans who now form the inner circle of power in Russia — the end of the U.S.S.R. was a moment of shame and defeat that the invasion of Ukraine this year was meant to help undo.        但对俄罗斯内部的许多人来说,戈尔巴乔夫造成的剧变是一场灾难。俄罗斯总统普京称苏联的解体是“本世纪最大的地缘政治灾难”。对普京以及他那些现在构成俄罗斯权力核心圈的克格勃老战友们来说,苏联的终结是一个耻辱和失败的时刻,而今年入侵乌克兰的行动正是为了消除那种耻辱和挫败感。
        “The paralysis of power and will is the first step toward complete degradation and oblivion,” Mr. Putin said on Feb. 24, when he announced the start of the invasion, referring to the collapse of the Soviet Union.        “权力和意志的瘫痪是走向彻底堕落和遗忘的第一步,”普京在2月24日宣布开始入侵时说,他指的是苏联的解体。
        Mr. Gorbachev made no public statement of his own about the war in Ukraine, though his foundation on Feb. 26 called for a “speedy cessation of hostilities.” A friend of his, the radio journalist Aleksei A. Venediktov, said in a July interview that Mr. Gorbachev was “upset” about the war, viewing it as having undermined “his life’s work.”        戈尔巴乔夫本人没有就乌克兰战争发表公开声明,不过他的基金会在2月26日呼吁“迅速停止敌对行动”。他的朋友、电台记者阿列克谢·维涅季克托夫在7月的一次采访中说,戈尔巴乔夫对这场战争感到“不安”,认为它破坏了“他毕生的工作”。
        When he came to power, Mr. Gorbachev was a loyal son of the Communist Party, but one who had come to see things with new eyes. “We cannot live this way any longer,” he told Eduard A. Shevardnadze, who would become his trusted foreign minister, in 1984. Within five years he had overturned much that the party held inviolable.        上台时,戈尔巴乔夫是共产党忠诚的儿子,但他对事物有了新的认识。“我们不能再这样生活下去了,”1984年,他对爱德华·谢瓦尔德纳泽说,后者后来成为了他信任的外交部长。在五年内,他推翻了许多共产党认为不可侵犯的东西。
        A man of openness, vision and great vitality, he looked at the legacy of seven decades of Communist rule and saw official corruption, a labor force lacking motivation and discipline, factories that produced shoddy goods, and a distribution system that guaranteed consumers little but empty shelves — empty of just about everything but vodka.        作为一个开放、有远见、充满活力的人,他审视了共产党70年统治的遗产,看到了官员的腐败、劳动力缺乏动力和纪律、工厂生产劣质商品,消费合作社体系令消费者只能面对空荡荡的货架——除了伏特加,几乎什么都没有。
        The Soviet Union had become a major world power weighed down by a weak economy. As East-West détente permitted light into its closed society, the growing class of technological, scientific and cultural elites could no longer fail to measure their country against the West and find it wanting.        当时的苏联已经成为一个被疲软的经济拖累的世界大国。随着东西方关系缓和,光线照进封闭的社会,越来越多的科技、科学和文化精英阶层不得不开始以西方来衡量自己的国家,并且发现它的不足。
        The problems were clear; the solutions, less so. Mr. Gorbachev had to feel his way toward his promised restructuring of the Soviet political and economic systems. He was caught between tremendous opposing forces: On one hand, the habits ingrained by 70 years of cradle-to-grave subsistence under Communism; on the other, the imperatives of moving quickly to change the old ways and to demonstrate that whatever dislocation resulted was temporary and worth the effort.        问题很明显,但解决方案就没那么简单了。戈尔巴乔夫不得不摸索着进行他所承诺的苏联政治和经济体制的重组。他被夹在巨大的对立力量之间:一方面,70年来从生到死都生活在共产主义统治下所造成的习惯根深蒂固;另一方面,必须迅速采取行动改变旧的方式,并要证明无论造成什么样的混乱都是暂时的,而是这样的努力是值得的。
        It was a task he was forced to hand over to others when he was removed from office, a consequence of his own ambivalence and a failed coup against him by hard-liners whom he himself had elevated to his inner circle.        当他被赶下台时,这项任务被迫移交给了其他人,他的下台是他自己的矛盾心理,以及由他本人提拔到核心圈子的强硬派对他发动一场失败政变所造成的结果。
        The openness Mr. Gorbachev sought — what came to be known as glasnost — and his policy of perestroika, aimed at restructuring the very underpinnings of society, became a double-edged sword. In setting out to fill in the “blank spots” of Soviet history, as he put it, with frank discussion of the country’s errors, he freed his impatient allies to criticize him and the threatened Communist bureaucracy to attack him.        戈尔巴乔夫所追求的开放——后来被称为“glasnost”——和他旨在重建社会基础的改革政策成了一把双刃剑。用他自己的话说,在着手填补苏联历史上的“空白”时,他坦率地讨论了这个国家的错误,让不耐烦的盟友得以批评他,受到威胁的共产党官僚机构攻击他。
        Still, Mr. Gorbachev’s first five years in power were marked by significant, even extraordinary, accomplishments:        尽管如此,戈尔巴乔夫执政的前五年还是取得了重大甚至是非凡的成就:
        ■ He presided over an arms agreement with the United States that eliminated for the first time an entire class of nuclear weapons, and began the withdrawal of most Soviet tactical nuclear weapons from Eastern Europe.        · 在他的主持下,美苏达成了一项武器协议,首次消除了一整类核武器,并开始从东欧撤出苏联的大部分战术核武器。
        ■ He withdrew Soviet forces from Afghanistan, a tacit admission that the invasion in 1979 and the nine-year occupation had been a failure.        · 从阿富汗撤军,默认1979年的入侵和九年的占领是一场失败。
        ■ While he equivocated at first, he eventually exposed the nuclear power-plant disaster at Chernobyl to public scrutiny, a display of candor unheard-of in the Soviet Union.        · 虽然一开始含糊其辞,但他最终将切尔诺贝利核电站灾难暴露在公众面前,这种坦率的表现在苏联前所未见。
        ■ He sanctioned multiparty elections in Soviet cities, a democratic reform that in many places drove stunned Communist leaders out of office.        · 他批准在苏联城市进行多党选举,在许多地方,这种民主改革把目瞪口呆的共产党领导人赶下台。
        ■ He oversaw an attack on corruption in the upper reaches of the Communist Party, a purge that removed hundreds of bureaucrats from their posts.        · 在他的领导下,苏共对高层腐败进行了打击,数百名官员被免职。
        ■ He permitted the release of the confined dissident Andrei D. Sakharov, the physicist who had been instrumental in developing the Soviet hydrogen bomb.        · 他释放了异见人士安德烈·萨哈罗夫,这位物理学家曾在苏联氢弹的开发过程中发挥了重要作用。
        ■ He lifted restrictions on the media, allowing previously censored books to be published and previously banned movies to be shown.        · 他取消了对媒体的限制,允许出版之前遭到审查的书籍,允许放映之前被禁的电影。
        ■ In a stark departure from the Soviet history of official atheism, he established formal diplomatic contacts with the Vatican and helped promulgate a freedom-of-conscience law guaranteeing the right of the people to “satisfy their spiritual needs.”        · 他背离苏联官方无神论的历史,与梵蒂冈建立了正式的外交联系,并帮助颁布了一部良心自由法,保障人民“满足其精神需求”的权利。
        But if Mr. Gorbachev was lionized abroad as having helped change the world — he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1990 — he was vilified at home as having failed to live up to the promise of economic change. It became widely said that in a free vote, Mr. Gorbachev could be elected president anywhere but the Soviet Union.        但是,如果说戈尔巴乔夫在国外被誉为改变世界的功勋人物——他在1990年被授予诺贝尔和平奖——那么在国内,他则被指责未能兑现经济变革的承诺。人们普遍认为,如果自由投票,戈尔巴乔夫可以在苏联以外的任何地方当选总统。
        After five years of Mr. Gorbachev, store shelves remained empty while the union disintegrated. Mr. Shevardnadze, who had been his right hand in bringing a peaceful end to Soviet control in Eastern Europe, resigned in late 1990, warning that dictatorship was coming and that reactionaries in the Communist Party were about to cripple reform.        在戈尔巴乔夫执政五年之后,苏联却解体了,而商店的货架依然空空荡荡。1990年底,他的得力助手、帮助他和平结束苏联对东欧控制的谢瓦尔德纳泽辞职时发出警告,独裁统治即将到来,共产党中的反动派将会破坏改革。
        Peter Reddaway, an author and scholar of Russian history, said at the time: “We see the best side of Gorbachev. The Soviets see the other side, and hold him to blame.”        作家、俄罗斯历史学者彼得·雷德韦在当时说:“我们看到了戈尔巴乔夫最好的一面。苏联人看到的是另一面,并且指责他有错。”
        Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev was born on March 2, 1931, in Privolnoye, a farming village in the Stavropol region of the Caucasus. His parents were genuine peasants, earning their bread by the sweat of their brows. During his infancy, the forced collectivization of the land turned a once-fertile region into “a famine disaster area,” the exiled writer and biologist Zhores A. Medvedev wrote in a biography of Gorbachev.        米哈伊尔·谢尔盖耶维奇·戈尔巴乔夫于1931年3月2日出生在高加索斯塔夫罗波尔地区一座名叫普里沃尔诺耶的村庄。他的父母是地地道道的农民,靠辛勤劳作谋生。流亡作家和生物学家佐雷斯·A·梅德韦杰夫在戈尔巴乔夫的传记中写道,在他的幼年时期,这个曾经肥沃的地区经过土地强制集体化变成了“饥荒灾区”。
        “The death from starvation was very high,” he added. “In some villages, all the children between the ages of 1 and 2 died.”        “饿死的人非常多,”他补充说。“在一些村庄,所有一到两岁的儿童都死了。”
        Misha, as Mikhail was known, was a bright-eyed youngster whose early photographs show him in a Cossack’s fur hat. He grew up in a house of straw held together with mud and manure and with no indoor plumbing. But his family was well respected among the Communist faithful. Gorbachev wrote in his book “Memoirs” that both his grandfathers had been arrested for crimes against the Czarist state. Still, the family’s embrace of Soviet ideology was not all-encompassing; Gorbachev’s mother and grandmother had him baptized.        在早期的照片中,被唤作米沙的米哈伊尔戴着哥萨克的皮帽,是一个精神饱满的年轻人。他儿时的房子是用稻草搭建的,用泥土和牛粪加固,没有室内的管道设施。但他的家人在共产党信徒中很受尊敬。戈尔巴乔夫在他的《回忆录》一书中写道,他的两个祖父都因反沙皇罪行被捕。尽管如此,这个家庭对苏联意识形态并非全方位地接受;戈尔巴乔夫的母亲和祖母让他受洗了。
        After graduating from the village primary school, Gorbachev attended secondary school in Krasnogvardeisk and joined the Komsomol, the Communist Party youth organization. While his father was at the front during World War II, young Gorbachev worked as a combine operator’s assistant. After the war he was decorated with the Order of the Red Banner of Labor.        从乡村小学毕业后,戈尔巴乔夫在克拉斯诺格瓦尔代斯克上中学,并加入了共产党青年组织共青团。当他的父亲在“二战”期间上前线时,年轻的戈尔巴乔夫担任联合收割机操作员的助手。战后他被授予劳动红旗勋章。
        In 1950, at 19, he left home to attend Moscow State University, a journey of more than 850 miles that took him through an impoverished countryside, devastated first by collectivization and then by the German invasion in World War II. At the end of the trip was the Stromynka, a vast, austere and crowded dormitory — eight to 15 students to a room — that had been a military barracks in the time of Peter the Great.        1950年,19岁的他离家前往莫斯科国立大学学习,这段1300多公里的旅程带他穿过了贫穷的乡村,它们先是被集体化所摧毁,然后在“二战”中遭到德国入侵。旅行的终点是斯特罗明卡,这里有一个宽大、简陋而又拥挤的宿舍——一个房间可以容纳八到15名学生——在彼得大帝时代,这里曾是军营。
        Once he became a law student, Gorbachev was permitted to read books, forbidden to other students, on the history of political ideas. He became familiar with Machiavelli, Hobbes, Hegel and Rousseau. (Years later, during the meeting of the Congress of People’s Deputies that installed him as an American-style president, delegates were seen carrying around copies of the Constitution of the United States and asking American observers about “checks and balances.”)        成为法律系学生后,戈尔巴乔夫可以读到其他学生被禁止阅读的有关政治思想史的书籍。他熟读了马基雅维利、霍布斯、黑格尔和卢梭。(多年后,在将他任命为美国式总统的人民代表大会上,有人看到代表们随身携带美国宪法副本,并向美国观察员询问“制衡”问题。)
        Gorbachev was the first Soviet leader since Lenin to have studied law, and as a student of courtroom rhetoric he became an effective public speaker. Fellow students recalled him as self-confident, forthright and open-minded, but also quite capable of unscrupulous scheming. In one instance, according to Time magazine, he got himself named Komsomol organizer for his class by getting his predecessor drunk and then denouncing him at the next day’s meeting.        戈尔巴乔夫是自列宁以来第一位学法律的苏联领导人,受过如何进行法庭辩论的教育使他成为一位高效的公众演说家。据同学们回忆,他自信、豪爽、豁达,但也能不择手段地算计。据《时代》杂志报道,有一次,他把班上的共青团干部灌醉,然后在第二天的会议上谴责他,从而让自己接任。
        Most accounts say that after joining the Communist Party, Gorbachev was a loyal functionary, although in his book “On My Country and the World,” he wrote that he had had reservations about Stalin, which he expressed only privately.        大多数报道说,戈尔巴乔夫加入共产党后是一名忠诚的公务员,尽管他在《我的祖国和世界》(On My Country and the World)一书中写道,他曾对斯大林持保留态度,他仅在私下表达了这一点。
        One evening his friends dragged him away from his books to a ballroom dancing class, where he found himself waltzing with a lively and attractive philosophy student named Raisa Maximovna Titarenko. They began dating. More sophisticated than he was, Raisa took the earnest and still provincial Gorbachev to concerts and museums, filling in the gaps in his cultural education. They were married in 1953.        一天晚上,正在读书的他被朋友们拉到一个交际舞课上,他在那里遇到一位活泼迷人的哲学系学生赖莎·马克西莫芙娜·季塔连科,并与她一起跳华尔兹。他们开始约会。赖莎比他更见过世面,带着真诚却仍有些乡土气的戈尔巴乔夫参加音乐会和博物馆,填补了他文化教育的空白。他们于1953年结婚。
        Gorbachev’s rise to the Politburo was more rapid than that of anyone since Stalin. Before his 50th birthday he was a Central Committee secretary, a position that placed him in the innermost circle of power. Healthy and strong, he stood out among the gerontocracy, a full quarter of a century younger than the 20 people ranked ahead of him. He became a full member of the Politburo in 1980.        戈尔巴乔夫进入政治局的速度比斯大林以来的任何人都快。他在50岁生日之前已经成为中央委员会书记,这个职位使他处于权力的核心。他健康强壮,在老年统治者中脱颖而出,比排在他前面的20个人年轻了整整四分之一个世纪。他在1980年成为政治局委员。
        When the Soviet supreme leader, Leonid I. Brezhnev, died on Nov. 10, 1982, and his successor, Yuri V. Andropov, proceeded to wage a yearlong campaign against corruption, forcing workers who were absent without leave to return to work, purging the bureaucracy of deadwood and appointing younger men to top offices. He gave Gorbachev greater responsibility for the economy and named him a member of the Politburo and committee secretary in charge of ideology, considered the No. 2 job in the party and therefore the country.        当苏联最高领导人列昂尼德·I·勃列日涅夫于1982年11月10日去世时,他的继任者尤里·V·安德罗波夫开始进行为期一年的反腐败运动,迫使那些无故缺勤的工人重返工作岗位,对腐朽的官僚机构进行清洗,任命年轻人担任高层职务。他赋予戈尔巴乔夫更大的经济责任,并任命他为政治局成员和负责意识形态的委员会书记,被认为是党内乃至国家的第二号人物。
        But when Andropov died on Feb. 9, 1984, at 69, after a year of debilitating illness, the Politburo named not Gorbachev but Konstantin U. Chernenko, 72, as general secretary. Gorbachev was designated to give the nominating speech before the Supreme Soviet, the nation’s highest legislative body, a role that made him the equivalent of the crown prince. The old generation was going to be allowed to bow out gracefully.        安德罗波夫的身体因病虚弱,一年后于1984年2月9日去世,享年69岁,此时政治局任命的总书记不是戈尔巴乔夫,而是72岁的康斯坦丁·U·契尔年科。戈尔巴乔夫被指定在国家最高立法机构最高苏维埃面前发表提名演说,这一角色使他等同于王储。老一代将可以优雅地退出。
        And it bowed out quickly, as it turned out. Chernenko was so weak from emphysema that he could not lift his arms to help carry the coffin bearing his predecessor into Red Square. Little more than a year later, his own remains were carried to the same final destination.        事实证明,他们很快就退出了。患有肺气肿的契尔年科身体极为虚弱,以至于无法抬起双臂将前任的棺材抬进红场。一年多后,他自己的遗体也被送进那个地方。
        Gorbachev experienced a sense of the country’s economic stagnation and corruption during the Brezhnev years, but it was not until he moved into powerful posts under Andropov and Chernenko that he saw how crippling the problems were. As a Central Committee secretary, he arranged for a crash course on the economic crisis and organized seminars specifically on rescuing the agricultural sector.        戈尔巴乔夫在勃列日涅夫时期体验了国家经济停滞和腐败,但直到他在安德罗波夫和契尔年科的领导下担任重要职位时,他才看到问题是多么严重。作为中央书记,他安排了一场关于经济危机的速成班,并专门组织了关于拯救农业部门的研讨会。
        Already he was demonstrating a flexibility rare for Soviet leaders. Quoting Lenin in a speech, he said the country’s main task was “to mobilize a maximum of initiative and to display a maximum of independence.” The word perestroika (restructuring) was taking shape in his mind.        他已经展示出苏联领导人罕见的灵活性。他在讲话中引用列宁的话说,国家的主要任务是“调动最大的主动性,展现最大的独立性”。重建(perestroika)这个词正在他的脑海中形成。
        With the death of Chernenko on March 10, 1985, Gorbachev, who had been substituting for the ailing leader, moved to disarm the opposition and take power. At a hastily called Politburo meeting, Andrei A. Gromyko, the longtime foreign minister, argued the case for Gorbachev. “Comrades,” he said in a speech, “this man has a nice smile, but he has iron teeth.”        随着1985年3月10日契尔年科的去世,一直替代他任职的戈尔巴乔夫采取行动解除反对派武装并掌权。在匆忙召开的政治局会议上,长期担任外交部长的安德烈·A·格罗米科支持戈尔巴乔夫。“同志们,”他在发言中说,“这个人笑起来挺甜,但他有一口钢牙。”
        The Central Committee approved the nomination on March 10, 1985. Relieved, one committee member was said to have remarked, “After one leader who was half dead, and another who was half alive, and another who could hardly speak, the youthful, energetic Gorbachev was very welcome.”        1985年3月10日,中央委员会批准了提名。据说,一位感到如释重负的委员说:“一个是半死不活,一个是奄奄一息,还有一个几乎不会说话,经历了这样的领导人后,年轻、精力充沛的戈尔巴乔夫非常受欢迎。”
        Soviet leaders had long kept their grip on power through the cult of personality, using propaganda and the state-run media to exalt them. Gorbachev put an end to that. There would be no enormous portraits of him along the main thoroughfares. He urged newspapers to stop quoting the party leader in every article; Lenin would suffice. He outflanked party rivals, in one instance arranging the resignation of Leningrad’s party boss, whose rich tastes and corrupt use of power were as well known as his drunken displays.        苏联领导人一向通过个人崇拜来掌权,使用宣传和政府掌管的媒体提升自己的形象。戈尔巴乔夫停止了这一切。大马路边没有他的巨幅肖像。他敦促报纸不要在每一篇文章里引用党领导人的发言;有列宁就够了。他挫败了党内的对手,包括促成列宁格勒的党领导人的辞职,此人的奢侈嗜好和滥权和他醉醺醺的仪表一样出名。
        Perestroika and glasnost (openness) became the watchwords of the Gorbachev era. He would let people see him in person when he visited hospitals, factories and schools, and would ask where they thought things had gone wrong.        “重建”和开放(glasnost)成为戈尔巴乔夫时代的口号。他会去医院、工厂和学校,让人们见到他本人,他会询问人们认为是什么地方出了问题。
        To carry out any reforms and reverse his country’s economic slide, Gorbachev needed a peaceful world. Arms control agreements with the United States would enable him to cut his military budget and free up money for domestic programs.        要开展改革,扭转国家经济颓势,戈尔巴乔夫需要一个和平的世界。与美国的军控协议让他可以削减军费预算,省出钱来用于本国项目。
        In pursuit of that goal, he began meeting with President Ronald Reagan, first in Geneva in 1985, then in Reykjavik, Iceland, in 1986, and again in Washington in 1987, to sign a landmark agreement that for the first time eliminated an entire class of weapons — medium- and shorter-range weapons in Europe — while calling for on-site inspections to verify the cutbacks.        为了实现这一目标,他开始与罗纳德·里根总统会面——第一次是在1985年的日内瓦,而后是1986年的雷克雅未克,再然后是1987年的华盛顿,意在签订一份划时代的协议,有史以来首次消除整整一个类别的武器——欧洲的中短程导弹——同时呼吁进行现场检查以核验削减工作的实效。
        In May 1988, Reagan became the first American president to visit Moscow in 14 years. Afterward, he declared: “Quite possibly we are beginning to take down the barriers of the postwar era. Quite possibly we are entering a new era in history — a time of lasting change in the Soviet Union.”        1988年5月,里根成为14年来首位访问莫斯科的美国总统。他在之后宣布:“我们很可能将开始拆除战后的壁垒。我们很可能将进入历史的一个新时期——一个给苏联带来长久改变的时期。”
        Reagan, who in 1987 had challenged Gorbachev to “tear down” the Berlin Wall, was for all intents and purposes declaring an end to the Cold War.        1987年曾提议戈尔巴乔夫“拆除”柏林墙的里根,实际上就是在宣布冷战的结束。
        Reagan’s successor, George Bush, met with Gorbachev in December 1989 for a gale-swept summit meeting held on Soviet and American naval ships off Malta. The meeting was meant to bury the Cold War once and for all and solidify a new relationship between the superpowers.        里根的继任者乔治·布什在1989年12月与戈尔巴乔夫会面,那场会议是在马耳他附近的苏联和美国海军舰艇上顶着大风进行的。会面的目的是彻底将冷战抛诸脑后,巩固两个超级大国之间的新关系。
        In recent years Gorbachev, who lost power in December 1991, would weigh in on the issues of the day, but his voice had lost resonance. He warned against the eastward expansion of the European Union, worried publicly about the possibility of a new Cold War, and welcomed the Russian parliamentary vote to annex Crimea.        戈尔巴乔夫在1991年12月失去了权力,他近年也会对时事发表评论,但是他的声音已经失去了共鸣。他警告欧盟不应东扩,公开表示担心可能爆发一场新冷战,并赞同俄罗斯议会就吞并克里米亚做出的表决。
        He ran hot and cold on Putin, a virtual antithesis to almost everything Gorbachev had tried to accomplish. At first he praised Putin for restoring stability, even at the price of authoritarianism, but he came to oppose Putin’s crackdown on news media freedom and his changes in electoral laws in Russia’s regions.        对于普京这个几乎与他在一切愿景上背道而驰的对立面,戈尔巴乔夫的评价有好有坏。他起初赞扬普京恢复了稳定,尽管代价是建立了威权统治,但是后来他开始反对普京对新闻媒体自由的镇压,还有他对俄罗斯各地区的选举法律的改变。
        Putin, he said, saw himself “second only to God” and never sought his advice.        他说,普京自视是“仅次于上帝的人物”,从来不征求他的意见。
        Information about Gorbachev’s survivors was not immediately available. The Russian state media said he would be buried at Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow, near his wife, who died in 1999 at 67. They did not specify a date.        本文暂时无法获得有关戈尔巴乔夫身后人的信息。俄罗斯国有媒体说他将葬在莫斯科的新圣女公墓,与他的妻子葬在一起,后者于1999年去世,享年67岁。报道没有提及具体时间。
        Despite the difficulties he faced, Gorbachev succeeded in permanently upending the political, economic and social character of what was once the Soviet Union, as well as the entire map of Eastern Europe. But he, more than anyone, knew how far he had fallen short.        尽管面临种种困难,戈尔巴乔夫还是永远颠覆了曾经定义苏联的那些政治、经济和社会特征,也彻底改变了东欧的格局。但是他比谁都更清楚,这离实现他的目标有多远。
        In an interview during his final days in office, he told The New York Times, “For all the mistakes, miscalculations — or, on the contrary, for all the great leaps — we accomplished the main preparatory political and human work.”        在执政生涯末期接受时报的采访时,他说,“尽管有许多错误、误判——或者反过来说,有如此多的飞跃——我们还是完成了主要的社会和人力准备工作。”
        “In this sense,” he added, “it will never be possible to turn society back.”        “从这个意义上讲,”他接着说,“社会再也不可能回头了。”
                
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