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| SEOUL — From 1976 to 1987, military dictators in South Korea swept roughly 38,000 people off the streets, corralling them into a welfare center called Brothers Home. The facility was supposed to feed and teach what the government called vagrants — many of them minors — and train them for jobs. |
| 首尔——从1976年到1987年间，韩国军事独裁者们从街头清理了约3.8万人，将他们关进一个名为“兄弟之家”的福利中心。该机构本应为这些被政府称为流浪者的人（其中许多是未成年人）提供食物和教育，并为他们提供就业培训。 |
| Instead, Brothers Home turned out to be a house of nightmares. |
| 然而，“兄弟之家”对他们来说却成了一个充满噩梦的地方。 |
| Many were beaten, raped and used for slave labor. More than 650 people died while being held there illegally and unbeknown to their families, according to survivors and investigators. |
| 许多人被殴打、强奸，被当作干苦役的奴隶使唤。据幸存者和调查人员说，650多人在被非法关押期间死亡，死后也没有通知家人。 |
| Brothers Home, in the southeastern port city of Busan, became among the most infamous examples of human rights abuses in South Korea’s modern history. Yet few people have been held accountable. After the top manager was investigated in 1987, government leaders intervened, and the manager spent only 30 months in prison. He was found guilty of minor financial crimes, but not of violating human rights. |
| 位于东南部港口城市釜山的兄弟之家已是韩国现代史上最臭名昭著的侵犯人权案例之一。然而，几乎没有人被追究责任。兄弟之家的最高管理者1987年被调查后，政府领导人曾出面干预，结果这名管理者只在监狱里被关了30个月。他只被判犯有轻微的金融罪行，没有被判侵犯人权罪。 |
| On Wednesday, after a decades-long struggle to hold the authorities accountable, victims scored a victory when South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission confirmed that the government illegally helped send people into forced detention at Brothers Home, exposing them to beatings, rape and other abuse that sometimes led to death. |
| 周三，韩国真相与和解委员会证实，政府使用非法手段帮助把一些人被送进兄弟之家受到强制拘禁，让他们遭受殴打、强奸和其他虐待，甚至导致有些人死亡。在为让政府对此事负责进行了几十年的努力后，这是受害者们获得的一个胜利。 |
| The scandal at Brothers Home has long been one of the best documented among the numerous cases of rights abuses under Korea’s successive dictatorships. Over the decades, survivors have written books. Major TV stations have released investigative documentaries. Human rights groups and newspapers have run multipart series on the abuse and attempts to cover it up. |
| 长期以来，兄弟之家的丑闻一直是韩国在历任独裁者统治下记录最充分的侵犯人权案件之一。几十年来，幸存者们写过几本有关的书。各大电视台都播放过调查纪录片。人权组织和报纸也发表过多个有关虐待、以及试图掩盖虐待的系列报道。 |
| It was not until Wednesday, though, that a government agency formally recognized what happened at Brothers Home as a “grave human rights violation by the state,” announced an official death toll and recommended a governmental apology and assistance to heal the victims’ trauma. |
| 但直到周三，一家政府机构才正式承认兄弟之家发生的事情是“国家对人权的严重侵犯”，公布了死亡人数的官方数字，并建议政府向受害者们道歉并提供帮助，以愈合他们的创伤。 |
| “The whole country is an accomplice,” said Park Gyeong-bo, 58, who was incarcerated at Brothers Home twice between 1975 and 1980. “There has always been an overflowing amount of evidence of wrongdoing, but no one cared, nobody listened to us. We were treated like the trash of society.” |
| “整个国家都是帮凶，”现年58岁的朴景甫（音）说，他曾在1975年至1980年间两次被关进兄弟之家。“一直就有大量不法行为的证据，但没有人在乎，没有人听到我们的声音。我们被当作社会的垃圾。” |
| The Truth Commission’s findings provide powerful ammunition for survivors who are suing the government for compensation. Its work is part of South Korea’s renewed efforts to come to terms with its tumultuous modern history, which has been marked not only by democratization but also by civilian massacres, popular uprisings, torture and other human rights violations. |
| 真相委员会的调查结果为幸存者起诉政府要求赔偿提供了有力的武器。该委员会的工作是韩国重新努力走出其动荡的近代历史的一部分，韩国近代史上不仅有民主化的里程碑，也有屠杀平民、镇压民众造反、滥用酷刑和其他侵犯人权行为。 |
| In the 1960s through the 1980s, especially in the years before the 1988 Seoul Olympics, the country’s military dictators worked to “cleanse the streets of vagrants.” By 1986, more than 16,000 were being held in 36 facilities that operated with government subsidies. The one in Busan was the most infamous, holding as many as 4,355 people, even though it was built to accommodate 500. |
| 在20世纪60年代到80年代，尤其是在1988年首尔奥运会之前的几年里，韩国的军事独裁者们曾大力“清理街头的流浪者”。到1986年，总共有1.6万多人被关在36个得到政府补贴的设施中。其中最臭名昭著的是釜山的兄弟之家，多达4355人被关在那里，尽管它是为容纳500人而建。 |
| The facility held not only homeless and disabled people, but also people with families and jobs who were found drunk or without proper identification, as well as panhandlers and even political dissidents. It received government subsidies based on the number of people it held, investigators said. It paid bribes to police and municipal officials for working with Brothers Home officials to find unattended children on the streets, shipping them to the center and listing them as orphans. |
| 被关进兄弟之家的不仅是无家可归者和残疾人，还包括一些有家、有工作的人，只是因为他们在街上被人发现时喝醉了酒、或被查时身上没有恰当的身份证明，再就是乞丐，甚至还有异见者。调查人员说，兄弟之家得到的政府补贴与它收容的人数有关。兄弟之家向警察和市政官员提供贿赂，让他们与设施官员合作，在街头寻找无人看管的儿童，把这些儿童列为孤儿送进福利中心。 |
| “I was playing alone in my neighborhood in Busan when the men snatched me, tossing me like garbage onto a freezer, truck-like vehicle,” said Lee Dong-jin, 57, who was sent to Brothers Home at the age of 10 and spent seven years there. |
| “当时我一个人在釜山附近玩耍，几个男人将我一把抓起，像扔垃圾一样扔进了一辆像卡车那样的冷冻车里，”现年57岁的李东津（音）说。他被送进兄弟之家时10岁，在那里待了七年。 |
| At Brothers Home, Mr. Lee was “No. 110.” What he found there, he said, was “a sheer hell.” |
| 李东津在兄弟之家的“编号是110”。他说，他在那里看到的是“不折不扣的地狱”。 |
| Brothers Home was run by Park In-keun, a former army sergeant. Mr. Park was decorated with government medals for running an exemplary welfare center. A 1981 propaganda documentary made by the government-run Korea Film Production billed Mr. Park as a devout Christian who worked tirelessly to reform incorrigibles and vagrants. At the top of his facility was a large Protestant church. |
| 兄弟之家由前陆军中士朴仁根运营。朴仁根曾因运营一家模范福利中心获得了政府颁发的勋章。政府经营的韩国电影制作公司在1981年制作的一部宣传纪录片中把朴仁根描述为一名虔诚的基督徒，他为改造屡教不改者和流浪者不知疲倦地工作。兄弟之家设施的最高处是一座大型新教教堂。 |
| Later it was revealed that Mr. Park ran the place like a concentration camp, guarded by tall walls and doors locked from the outside at night, according to victims and investigators. Clad in discarded military uniforms or blue tracksuits, those who were held there worked from dawn to dusk in factories that produced everything from clothing and shoes to fishing equipment and cocktail umbrellas. Brothers Home pocketed more than half of their wages or paid them nothing, the commission said. |
| 据受害者和调查人员说，后来人们发现，朴仁根像管理集中营那样管理兄弟之家，设施用高墙把守，晚上房门从外面锁起来。被关在那里的人穿着淘汰下来的军装或蓝色运动服，从天亮到天黑不停地工作，制造从服装、鞋子、钓鱼设备，到鸡尾酒装饰物小纸伞等各种产品。真相委员会说，兄弟之家扣掉了工人一半以上的工资，或根本不给他们发工资。 |
| Every Monday morning, “people’s trials” were held. Rule-breakers, including those who tried to escape, were savagely punished in front of thousands. In 1986, military intelligence officials ranked Brothers Home above prisons in its ability to “control and discipline.” The Truth Commission said the place was run as if it enjoyed “extraterritorial rights.” |
| 兄弟之家每周一上午举行“人民审判”。违规者、包括试图逃跑者，会在数千人面前受到残酷惩罚。1986年，军事情报官员曾在把兄弟之家的“控制和纪律”能力排在监狱之上。真相委员会说，该设施的管理方式好像是它享有“治外法权”一样。 |
| Those who were loyal to Mr. Park were made “platoon leaders” and terrorized others. A vast majority of the people held in Brothers Home were men. In a survey, nearly a quarter said they were raped there, according to a 2020 investigation sponsored by Busan City. The same report said Brothers Home appeared to have earned money by releasing at least 11 children for adoption abroad. |
| 忠于朴仁根的人被任命为“队长”，恫吓其他人。被关在兄弟之家的人绝大多数是男性。2020年，根据一项得到釜山市支持的调查，近四分之一的被关押者说他们在那里遭到强奸。同一份调查报告还说，兄弟之家似乎将儿童提供给外国人收养并从中赚钱，至少有11名儿童被这样送走。 |
| “On one hand, Park In-keun collected money from Christian donors,” said Choi Seung-woo, 53, who spent five years at the center until 1986. “On the other hand, he gathered all of us in the church and punished rule-breakers ‘in the name of Jesus and God.’ He kicked and bludgeoned us, blood splattered from our head.” |
| “一方面，朴仁根从基督徒的捐赠那里募钱，”现年53岁的崔承宇（音）说，他被关在兄弟之家五年，直到1986年。“另一方面，他把我们这些人召集在教堂里，‘以耶稣和上帝的名义’惩罚违规者。他踢我们，用棍子打我们，鲜血从我们的头上流下来。” |
| Han Jong-sun, 46, who was taken to Brothers Home at 8 years old, said he saw guards bludgeoning a young man having an epileptic seizure. The teenager was taken away with his eyes rolling to the back of his head and was never seen again. Mr. Han said he was regularly raped by male platoon leaders. |
| 现年46岁的韩宗善（音）8岁时被送进兄弟之家，他说他曾看到警卫用棍棒殴打一名癫痫发作的年轻人。那名少年被抬走时已经在翻白眼，以后再也没有看见过他。韩宗善说，他经常被男队长强奸。 |
| Many key details of abuse were reported in 1987 when prosecutors and opposition lawmakers investigated the home. But prosecutors admitted decades later that they watered down their inquiry under political pressure. The scandal was soon eclipsed by huge pro-democracy student demonstrations that erupted that year. |
| 许多虐待的主要细节已在检察官和反对派议员1987年调查兄弟之家时被曝光。但检察官在几十年后承认，他们在政治压力下缓和了调查力度。那年爆发了大型亲民主学生示威后，该丑闻很快淡出了人们的视线。 |
| Mr. Han helped break the long silence by starting a lone protest in front of South Korea’s National Assembly in 2012. Other survivors like Mr. Choi joined the campaign with sit-ins and hunger strikes. But progress was slow. Mr. Park died in 2016 of natural causes. |
| 2012年，韩宗善在韩国国民大会前进行独自一人的抗议活动，帮助打破了长时间的沉默。崔承宇等其他幸存者也以静坐和绝食等方式加入到抗议中来。但追究责任的工作进展缓慢。朴仁根已在2016年正常死亡。 |
| In 2020, the National Assembly relaunched the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, a government agency in charge of investigating past human rights violations that was disbanded in 2010. Brothers Home was the first case the commission decided to investigate. |
| 国民大会于2020年重新组建了真相与和解委员会，这个政府机构负责调查韩国过去的违反人权问题，曾在2010年解散。兄弟之家是该委员会决定调查的第一个案件。 |
| “The state has ignored pleas to address the human rights violations at Brothers Home, not taking any action while knowing that there were problems,” Jung Geun-sik, the commission’s chairman, said on Wednesday. “It downplayed and distorted the case during an investigation in 1987, preventing a proper legal resolution based on facts.” |
| “政府忽视了解决兄弟之家侵犯人权问题的要求，在知道存在问题的情况下不采取任何行动，”委员会主席郑根植（音）周三说。“政府在1987年的调查中淡化和歪曲了该案的性质，未能根据事实给予恰当的法律解决。” |
| Victims say they have struggled with depression and rage, often ending up in prison or becoming abusive spouses or parents since their time at Brothers Home. Mr. Choi’s brother, who had also been held there, took his own life in 2009. Mr. Han’s sister, another victim, ended up in a mental institution. |
| 受害者说，他们在兄弟之家的经历让他们一直受着抑郁和愤怒的困扰，往往导致他们犯法入狱，或成为虐待配偶或子女的人。崔承宇的一个兄弟也曾被关在兄弟之家，他已于2009年自杀。韩宗善的一个姐妹也是受害者，她后来被送进了精神病院。 |
| “The place deprived us young inmates of our adolescence and education, limiting our ability to speak for our rights and get the political attention we deserved,” Mr. Park said. “Even as our country democratized, we never became part of a mainstream class, treated like something that it was best to keep out of sight.” |
| “那个地方剥夺了我们这些年轻人的青春和受教育权，限制了我们为自己的权利发声的能力，也限制了我们获得应有政治关注的能力，”朴景甫说。“尽管我们的国家已经民主化，但我们从未成为主流阶级的一部分，仍被当作最好不要被人看见的东西。” |
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