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普京改革俄罗斯公立教育,培养下一代爱国“小战士”
Putin Aims to Shape a New Generation of Supporters, Through Schools

来源:纽约时报    2022-07-18 03:54



        Starting in first grade, students across Russia will soon sit through weekly classes featuring war movies and virtual tours through Crimea. They will be given a steady dose of lectures on topics like “the geopolitical situation” and “traditional values.” In addition to a regular flag-raising ceremony, they will be introduced to lessons celebrating Russia’s “rebirth” under President Vladimir V. Putin.        俄罗斯各地的学生即将从一年级开始每周上一堂课,课程内容包含观看战争电影和虚拟参观克里米亚。他们将持续接受关于“地缘政治局势”和“传统价值观”等主题的讲座。除了定期的升旗仪式外,他们还将学习赞扬俄罗斯在总统普京的领导下“重生”的课程。
        And, according to legislation signed into law by Mr. Putin on Thursday, all Russian children will be encouraged to join a new patriotic youth movement in the likeness of the Soviet Union’s red-cravatted “Pioneers” — presided over by the president himself.        此外,根据普京周四签署生效的立法,所有俄罗斯儿童将被鼓励加入一个新的爱国青年运动,该运动类似于苏联戴着红领巾的“先锋队”——由总统亲自领导。
        Ever since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Russian government’s attempts at imparting a state ideology to schoolchildren have proven unsuccessful, a senior Kremlin bureaucrat, Sergei Novikov, recently told thousands of Russian schoolteachers in an online workshop. But now, amid the war in Ukraine, Mr. Putin has made it clear that this needed to change, he said.        克里姆林宫高级官员谢尔盖·诺维科夫最近在一次网络研讨会上告诉数以千计俄罗斯教师,自苏联解体以来,俄罗斯政府向学童传授国家意识形态的尝试看来已经失败了。但他说,现在发生了乌克兰战争,普京明确表示,这种情况需要改变。
        “We need to know how to infect them with our ideology,” Mr. Novikov said. “Our ideological work is aimed at changing consciousness.”        “我们需要知道如何用我们的意识形态感染他们,”诺维科夫说。“我们的意识形态工作旨在改变意识。”
        As the war in Ukraine approaches the five-month mark, the vast ambitions of his plans for the home front are coming into focus: a wholesale reprogramming of Russian society to end 30 years of openness to the West.        乌克兰战争即将进入第五个月,他对国内战线计划的宏大雄心正在成为焦点:对俄罗斯社会进行全面重新规划,结束30年来对西方的开放。
        The Kremlin has already jailed or forced into exile just about all activists speaking out against the war; it has criminalized what remained of Russia’s independent journalism; it has cracked down on academics, bloggers and even a hockey player with suspect loyalties.        克里姆林宫几乎已将所有公开反对战争的活动人士关进监狱或迫使其流亡;它将俄罗斯独立新闻业仅存的部分定为犯罪;它镇压了学者、博主,甚至一名忠诚度遭质疑的冰球运动员。
        But nowhere are these ambitions clearer than in the Kremlin’s race to overhaul how children are taught at Russia’s 40,000 public schools.        但对俄罗斯4万所公立学校的教育方式进行的重大改革格外清楚地展现了这种雄心。
        The nationwide education initiatives, which start in September, are part of the Russian government’s scramble to indoctrinate children with Mr. Putin’s militarized and anti-Western version of patriotism, illustrating the reach of his campaign to use the war to further mobilize Russian society and eliminate any potential dissent.        全国将在9月开展该教育计划,作为俄罗斯政府向儿童灌输普京军事化和反西方版本的爱国主义工作的一部分,普京利用战争进一步动员俄罗斯社会,并消除任何潜在的异议,该教育计划反映了他的宣传运动可以到达的范围。
        While some experts are skeptical that the Kremlin’s grand plans will quickly bear fruit, even ahead of the new school year the potency of its propaganda in changing the minds of impressionable youngsters was already becoming apparent.        虽然一些专家怀疑克里姆林宫的宏伟计划能否很快取得成果,但即使新学年还未开始,对于易受影响的年轻人来说,其宣传在改变思想方面的效力已经很明显。
        A ninth-grader, Irina, said that a computer class in Moscow in March, for instance, was replaced by the viewing of a state television report on Ukrainians surrendering to Russian troops and a lecture explaining that only information from official Russian sources was to be trusted.        例如,莫斯科一名九年级学生伊琳娜说,3月的一节计算机课被替换为观看国家电视台关于乌克兰人向俄罗斯军队投降的报道,另外还有解释为什么只有俄罗斯官方来源的信息值得信任的讲座。
        She soon noticed a transformation among some friends who had been initially scared or confused by the war.        她很快注意到,一些最初对战争感到害怕或困惑的朋友发生了转变。
        “They suddenly started repeating everything after the television,” Irina said in a phone interview alongside her mother, Lyubov Ten. “They suddenly started saying that this is all deserved, that this had to happen. They couldn’t even attempt to explain this to me.”        “他们突然开始反复讲在电视上看到的一切,”伊琳娜在与她的母亲柳博夫·腾一起接受电话采访时说。“他们突然开始说这一切都是理所当然的,是必定要发生的。他们甚至没有想要向我解释这一点。”
        Irina said that when she challenged her friends about Russian war crimes in Bucha, they shot back: “It’s all propaganda.”        伊琳娜说,当她就俄罗斯在布查的战争罪行向她的朋友们提出异议时,他们回击道:“这都是宣传。”
        Ms. Ten and her husband, driven in part by their refusal to raise their children in an increasingly militarized environment, left for Poland this spring.        腾和丈夫今年春天离开俄罗斯前往波兰,部分原因是拒绝在日益军事化的环境中抚养孩子。
        Teachers are also noticing a change. In the city of Pskov near the Estonian border, an English teacher, Irina Milyutina, said that the children at her school at first vigorously argued about whether Russia was right or wrong to invade Ukraine, and sometimes even came to blows.        老师们也注意到了变化。在爱沙尼亚边境附近的普斯科夫市,一名英语老师伊琳娜·米柳蒂娜说,她所在学校的孩子们起初激烈争论俄罗斯入侵乌克兰是对还是错,有时甚至会大打出手。
        But soon the voices of dissent evaporated. The children scrawled Z’s and V’s — symbols of support for the war, after the identifying markings on invading Russian armor — on chalkboards, desks and even the floors.        但很快,反对的声音就消失了。孩子们在黑板、桌子甚至地板上画着Z和V,这是支持战争的象征,是俄罗斯入侵部队的装甲上所涂的符号。
        At recess, fifth and sixth graders pretended to be Russian soldiers, Ms. Milyutina said, “and those whom they don’t like very much they call Ukrainians.”        米柳蒂娜说,在课间休息时,五年级和六年级的学生假装是俄罗斯士兵,“他们将那些他们不太喜欢的同学称作乌克兰人。”
        Schools across the country received such orders, according to activists and Russian news reports. Daniil Ken, the head of an independent teachers’ union, shared with The New York Times some directives that he said teachers had passed along to him.        据活动人士和俄罗斯新闻报道称,全国各地的学校都收到了这样的命令。独立教师工会的负责人丹尼尔·肯与《纽约时报》分享了一些其他教师已经转达给他的指令。
        In one class, students are taught about “hybrid conflicts being carried out against Russia,” with a BBC report about a Russian attack in Ukraine and a statement by President Volodymyr Zelensky presented as examples of “fakes” meant to sow discord in Russian society. An accompanying quiz teaches students to distrust any opposition activists in their own communities.        在一堂课上,学生们被教导“俄罗斯正在面临针对它的混合冲突”,以BBC关于俄罗斯袭击乌克兰的报道以及乌克兰总统弗拉基米尔·泽连斯基的声明作为旨在挑拨离间俄罗斯社会的“虚假信息”例子。在随附的测验中,学生被教育不要信任自己社区中的任何反对派活动人士。
        “One of the effective measures of hybrid conflict is the promotion of agents of influence in the local population,” a true-or-false challenge says.        一道判断对错的题目写道:“混合冲突的有效措施之一是在当地人口中突出有影响力的代理人。”
        The correct answer, of course, is “true.”        正确答案当然是“对”。
        The new push represents an intensification of Mr. Putin’s yearslong effort to militarize Russian society, building on officials’ ad hoc efforts after the invasion to convince young people that the war was justified.        这一新举措表明,普京加强了多年来将俄罗斯社会军事化的努力,新举措的基础建立在官员在入侵乌克兰后为说服年轻人相信战争正当性而采取的临时性措施。
        Mr. Novikov, the head of the Kremlin’s “public projects” directorate, said that with the invasion of Ukraine in February, teachers faced “a rather urgent task”: to “carry out explanatory work” and answer students’ “difficult questions.”        克里姆林宫“公共项目”主管诺维科夫表示,随着2月乌克兰入侵,教师面临“一项相当紧迫的任务”:“开展解释工作”并回答学生的“棘手问题”。
        “While everything is more or less controllable with the younger ones, the older students receive information through a wide variety of channels,” he said, acknowledging the government’s fears about the internet swaying young people’s views. A poll last month by the independent Levada Center found that 36 percent of Russians aged 18 to 24 opposed the war in Ukraine, compared with just 20 percent of all adults.        “虽然年轻人的一切或多或少可以受到控制,但年龄大一点的学生通过多种渠道获得信息,”他说,他承认政府担心互联网会影响年轻人的观点。独立的列瓦达中心上个月进行的一项民意调查发现,在18至24岁的俄罗斯人中,有36%的人反对乌克兰战争,而在所有成年人中,这一比例仅为20%。
        Ahead of the next school year, the Kremlin is working to codify its educational ambitions. A proposed decree published by the education ministry last month shows that Mr. Putin’s two decades in power are set to be enshrined in the standard curriculum as a historical turning point, while the teaching of history itself will become more doctrinal.        在下一学年之前,克里姆林宫正在努力制定其教育目标。教育部上个月发布的一项拟议法令显示,普京执政的二十年将作为一个历史转折点载入标准课程,而历史教学本身也会有更多的说教。
        The decree says that Russian history classes will be required to include several new topics like “the rebirth of Russia as a great power in the 21st century,” “reunification with Crimea,” and “the special military operation in Ukraine.”        该法令规定,将要求俄罗斯历史课包括几个新主题,如“俄罗斯在21世纪重生为大国”、“与克里米亚统一”和“在乌克兰的特别军事行动”。
        And while Russia’s existing educational standard says students should be able to evaluate “various versions of history,” the new proposal says they should learn to “defend historical truth” and “uncover falsifications in the Fatherland’s history.”        虽然俄罗斯现有的教育标准规定学生应该有能力评估“不同版本的历史”,但新提案称他们应该学会“捍卫历史真相”和“揭露对祖国历史的篡改”。
        As government employees, teachers generally have little choice but to comply with the new demands — though there are signs of grass-roots resistance. Mr. Ken says the Alliance of Teachers, his union, has provided legal guidance to dozens of teachers who have refused to teach this spring’s propaganda classes, noting that political agitation in schools is technically illegal under Russian law. In some cases, he says, principals have simply canceled the classes, knowing they were unpopular.        作为政府雇员,教师通常别无选择,只能服从新要求——然而基层存在抵制的迹象。肯说,他的工会教师联盟已为数十名拒绝教授今年春季宣传课的教师提供法律指导,并指出根据俄罗斯法律,在学校进行政治煽动是非法的。他说,在某些情况下,校长知道课程不受欢迎,干脆取消了课程。
        “You just need to find the moral strength not to facilitate evil,” Sergei Chernyshov, who runs a private high school in the Siberian city of Novosibirsk and has resisted promoting government propaganda, said in a phone interview. “If you can’t protest against it, at least don’t help it.”        在西伯利亚城市新西伯利亚开办私立高中的谢尔盖·切尔尼绍夫拒绝为政府做宣传,他在电话采访中说:“你只需要找到不助纣为虐的道德力量。如果你不能对它抗议,至少不要给它帮忙。”
                
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