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| HONG KONG — On the day that Hong Kong was returned to China a quarter century ago, the noodle maker of Queen’s Road worked as he had done for days and decades before, mixing flour and water into sustenance for a city filled with refugees from the mainland. To satisfy the diverse tastes, he made tender Shanghai noodles and Cantonese egg pasta, slippery wonton wrappers from China’s south and thick dumpling skins beloved in Beijing. | 香港——四分之一个世纪前香港回归中国的那一天，皇后大道上的面点师傅在忙碌着，和过去几十年并没有不同，他把面粉和水混合起来，为这座满是大陆难民的城市提供食物。为了满足人们不同的口味，他做了细嫩的上海面条和广东鸡蛋面，光滑的南方云吞皮，还有北京人喜爱的厚饺子皮。 |
| When the five-starred flag of the People’s Republic of China replaced the Union Jack on July 1, 1997, it rained and rained, the water rising fast along Queen’s Road and its tributaries. Some people took the deluge as an omen of Communist control, others as a purifying ritual to cleanse Hong Kong of Western imperialism. | 1997年7月1日，当中华人民共和国的五星红旗取代英国国旗时，天降大雨，皇后大道和沿途街道迅速开始涨水。有些人认为暴雨是共产党控制香港的预兆，也有人认为是清洗西方帝国主义的净化仪式。 |
| The storm held no greater meaning for To Wo, who ran the noodle shop with his family. Mr. To still had to work every day of every year, feeding dough into clanging machines and emptying so many bags of flour that everything was dusted white, even the shrine to the kitchen god. | 对于和家人一起经营面点店的杜和（音）来说，这场风暴并没有什么特别的意义。年复一年，杜和每天都要工作，把面团放进叮当作响的机器里，用光一袋又一袋面粉，一切都蒙上了一层白粉，就连灶神的神龛也是如此。 |
| “I was busy,” he said. “I didn’t have a lot of time for fear.” | “我很忙，”他说。“没时间害怕。” |
| In the 25 years since the handover, the only constant has been change, both defined and defied by the people of Queen’s Road, Hong Kong’s most storied avenue. All around them, a city has been transformed: by the dizzying economic expansion of mainland China threatening to make this international entrepôt unnecessary, but also by the crushing of freedoms by Hong Kong’s current rulers, who have filled jails with young political prisoners. | 在香港回归后的25年里，唯一不变的就是变化，在香港最负盛名的大道——皇后大道上，人们既定义着变化，也蔑视着变化。在他们周围，这座城市已经改变了：中国大陆令人眼花缭乱的经济扩张威胁到这个国际转口港存在的必要性，与此同时，香港如今的统治者还在压制自由，监狱里满是年轻的政治犯。 |
| At age 20, Mr. To escaped privation in southern China to settle on Queen’s Road, the first thoroughfare built by the British after they seized Hong Kong as spoils from the Opium War. | 20岁时，杜和逃离贫困的中国南方，在皇后大道安顿下来，这是英国人通过鸦片战争夺取香港作为战利品后修建的第一条大道。 |
| Named for Queen Victoria, the road traced the shoreline of an avaricious colonial power. As the institutions of empire — banks, trading houses, schools, places of worship — sprouted along it, Queen’s Road was evolving, each influx of new arrivals reshaping its character. For all the permanence of the road’s landmarks, its people were less grounded, with scant control over the city’s future. | 这条路由一个贪婪的殖民国家沿海岸线而建，以维多利亚女王的名字命名。随着帝国的各种机构——银行、商行、学校、宗教场所——在皇后大道涌现，街道本身也在不断演变，每一次新来者的涌入都在重塑它的特征。尽管这条道路上的地标性建筑都是永久性的，这里的人的生活却没有那么稳当，对这座城市的未来几乎没有控制权。 |
| In 1997, the Chinese government promised Hong Kong significant autonomy for 50 years to preserve the liberties that made it a global financial capital, not to mention one of the most thrilling metropolises on the planet. | 1997年，中国政府承诺在50年内给予香港极大的自治权，以保持使香港成为全球金融中心乃至世界最激动人心的大都市之一的自由。 |
| As long as Mr. To had been there, Queen’s Road and its narrow alleyways had been a global crossroads. There were financial houses built on fortunes from the opium trade, gold shops promising solid investments for survivors of political turmoil, European luxury labels and merchants of shark’s fin and herbs used in traditional Chinese medicine. | 从杜和在那里工作开始，皇后大道及其狭窄的小巷就一直是全球的十字路口。那里有靠鸦片贸易赚来的财富建起的金融机构，有承诺为政治动荡的幸存者提供可靠投资的金店，有欧洲奢侈品牌，还有贩卖鱼翅和中药材的商铺。 |
| In the first few years after the handover, legislators reveled in a power they had lacked for most of British rule, in a building designed by architects responsible for a part of Buckingham Palace. At the High Court, on a stretch of Queen’s Road called Queensway, judges wore wigs in the British fashion. The business establishment, drawn from the elite of Shanghai, London and Mumbai, among other cities, felt secure in the rule of law. | 立法者所在的办公楼出自参与了白金汉宫设计的建筑师的手笔，在香港回归后的头几年里，这些立法者享受着他们在大部分英殖时期不曾享有的权力。在皇后大道一段名为“金钟道”的路段上坐落着高等法院，法官们按照英国人的习惯戴着假发。来自上海、伦敦和孟买等城市的精英建立的商业机构在法治环境中感到很安全。 |
| For more than a decade, Beijing largely abided by this political accommodation governing Hong Kong, called “one country, two systems.” The deadline of 2047, when Beijing would take full political control, seemed suitably distant, even if Hong Kongers have a habit of angling with forward intent. | 十多年来，北京在很大程度上遵守了这种被称为“一国两制”的香港政治治理方案。2047年是其最后期限，届时北京将全面控制香港政治，尽管香港人习惯于凡事想得更长远，但这一期限似乎还相当遥远。 |
| The past three years have compressed time. In 2019, millions of protesters marched on Queen’s Road and other avenues, just as they had done in the past to thwart unpopular government restrictions. This time, clashes between the police and protesters severed any filaments of trust. For months, tear gas, pepper spray and rubber bullets enveloped commercial hubs. In 2020, a national security law was introduced that has criminalized dissent, with people arrested for clapping in support of an imprisoned activist. | 过去三年里，时间仿佛被压缩了。2019年，数百万抗议者在包括皇后大道的许多街道上游行，就像他们过去为挫败引发不满的政府限制所做的那样。这一次，警察和抗议者之间的冲突切断了残存的一丝信任。在几个月里，这座商业中心淹没在催泪瓦斯、胡椒喷雾和橡胶子弹之中。2020年，一项国家安全法出台，将政治异议定为犯罪，有人会因为鼓掌支持一名被监禁的活动人士而被捕。 |
| Now, halfway to 2047, Hong Kong has entered an uncertain purgatory. Its demise has been proclaimed before. Each time — after plagues and Communist-backed riots, British repression and pre-handover jitters — the territory has regenerated itself. | 现在，距离2047年的限期还有一半，香港进入了一个充满不确定性的炼狱。以前就曾有人宣告它的灭亡。每一次——经历了瘟疫、由共产党支持的骚乱、英国的镇压和移交前的紧张情绪之后——这块土地都会重新焕发生机。 |
| A metropolis rivaling New York, Tokyo and London will not disappear overnight. But Beijing’s vow to keep the city in a political bell jar for 50 years has been shattered. The poor in Hong Kong are getting poorer, and the numbers rushing to leave have surged. | 一个能与纽约、东京和伦敦媲美的大都市不会在一夜之间消失。但北京将香港置于政治钟罩中50年的誓言已被打破。香港的穷人越来越穷，匆忙离开的人急剧增多。 |
| The seismic shifts in Hong Kong are forcing residents to reflect on what it means to be from this ever-evolving place. Along Queen’s Road — the oldest avenue in a city wired for reinvention — this question of identity resonates very differently for a politician, a protester and a noodle maker. | 翻天覆地的变化正迫使香港人反思，生活在这个不断演变的地方意味着什么。皇后大道是这座城市中最古老的大道，它早已经过现代化翻修，在这里，对于一位政治人物、一位抗议者和一位面条师傅来说，身份问题产生的感受非常不同。 |
| “Everything in Hong Kong has changed,” Mr. To said. “We all have different fates.” | “香港的一切都变了，”杜和说。“我们都有不同的命运。” |
| ‘Face the Reality’ | “面对现实” |
| On June 30, 1997, as “God Save the Queen” played one final time, Eunice Yung, then a high school student, was sulking at home in an apartment along Queen’s Road. Disappointing test results, which precluded a university spot in Hong Kong, occupied her mind. | 1997年6月30日，当《天佑女王》最后一次播放时，还是高中生的容海恩正在皇后大道旁的公寓里生闷气。令人失望的考试成绩让她无法入读香港的大学，这件事占据了她的全部注意力。 |
| “When I think back on the handover, it’s a blank,” Ms. Yung said. “It’s such a shame.” | “回忆起回归，我大脑一片空白，”容海恩说。“太可惜了。” |
| Like many children born to recent arrivals, Ms. Yung began working when she was 4 or 5 years old, sitting with her great-grandmother at a table popping metal disks into the backs of toy magnets. Walking to her Catholic school, Ms. Yung would pass markets on Queen’s Road selling dried seafood and a temple where fishermen came to worship by boat, back before reclamation pushed the avenue inland. | 和许多新移民的孩子一样，容海恩四五岁就开始工作，她和曾祖母坐在桌边，在磁铁玩具的背后盖上金属圆盘。在前往天主教学校的路上，容海恩会经过皇后大道的海鲜干货市场以及渔民乘船前来朝拜的寺庙，那时填海工程还没有将这条大道推向内陆。 |
| Ms. Yung eventually found a university spot in Vancouver to study computer science. Unwittingly, she joined a stream of Hong Kongers emigrating for fear of the territory’s new rulers. | 容海恩最终进了温哥华的一所大学学计算机。凑巧和许多因害怕新的统治者而移民的港人走了一样的路。 |
| After each paroxysm in China — the fall of the Qing dynasty, the Communist takeover, the Cultural Revolution, the Tiananmen massacre — Hong Kong’s population swelled with refugees. The years leading to the handover, when hundreds of thousands of people fled for safety in the West, were the only time, until now, when the population declined. | 在中国每一次动荡——清朝覆灭、共产党接管政权、文化大革命、天安门大屠杀——之后，香港的人口都会因为难民而激增。在移交之前的几年里，有数十万人逃往西方避难，那是第一次出现人口下降。 |
| Ms. Yung wasn’t in Canada because she was scared for Hong Kong. She returned home, earning a law degree and appearing in court on Queensway. In 2016, she won a seat in the Legislative Council nearby as a member of a pro-Beijing political force. | 容海恩并没有因为担心香港的情况而留在加拿大。她回到家乡，获得了法律学位，出现在金钟道的法庭上。2016年，她以亲北京政治力量成员的身份在不远处的立法会赢得了一个席位。 |
| Ms. Yung, 45, has decried artwork in government-funded museums that disparages the Chinese Communist Party. She said that public ridicule of China’s leaders is the result of “people losing their minds.” | 45岁的容海恩谴责政府资助的博物馆中陈列贬低中国共产党的作品。她说，公众对中国领导人的嘲笑是“人们失去理智”的结果。 |
| “Some of the foreign press say that ‘China is always a monstrous thing, and you are under their control and you have no freedom,’” Ms. Yung said. “But in Hong Kong we have to face the reality that we are part of China.” | “一些外国媒体说，‘中国一直是一个可怕的东西，你在他们的控制之下，你没有自由，’”容海恩说。“但在香港，我们必须面对现实，我们是中国的一部分。” |
| Without evidence, pro-Beijing politicians have accused those who joined protests of colluding with the Central Intelligence Agency. The fearsome security law has led unions and newspapers to shutter for fear of lifetime prison sentences. Nearly 50 politicians and democracy activists have been imprisoned under the new rules. They will appear at the High Court on Queensway later this year. | 亲北京的政界人士毫无依据地指责那些参加抗议活动的人与美国中央情报局勾结。可怕的安全法导致工会和报纸因担心被判终身监禁而关闭。根据新规，近50名政界人士和民主活动人士被监禁。他们将于今年晚些时候出现在金钟道的高等法院。 |
| Today, there are no mass protests on Queen’s Road or anywhere else in Hong Kong. | 如今，在皇后大道或香港其他任何地方都没有了大规模抗议活动。 |
| “I think Hong Kong is still a very free city,” Ms. Yung said. “These kinds of demonstrations, if we allow them to a certain extent, it will damage our feelings to our country.” | “我认为香港仍然是一个非常自由的城市，”容海恩说。“如果我们在一定程度上允许这种示威，就会损害我们对国家的感情。” |
| Hong Kong has been cleaved between those who supported the protesters and those who worried that Hong Kong’s business-friendly reputation was destroyed. In 2019, HSBC, Hong Kong’s most venerable bank and an early paragon of globalization, was accused of closing an account linked to pro-democracy crowdfunding. Protesters splashed red paint on the giant lions guarding the bank’s headquarters on Queen’s Road. | 香港一直分裂成两派，一派支持抗议者，另一派担心香港的商业友好声誉会因此受损。2019年，香港最受尊敬的银行、全球化的早期典范汇丰银行被指关闭了一个与支持民主的众筹活动有关的账户。抗议者向守卫该银行皇后大道总部的巨大石狮泼洒了红漆。 |
| “When people teach their kids to disrespect their country, tell them we are going to overthrow our government, it does damage,” Ms. Yung said. “Rather than expression without limits, we should uphold the dignity of our country.” | “当人们教育他们的孩子不尊重自己的国家，告诉他们我们要推翻我们的政府，这是有害的，”容海恩说。“我们应该维护国家的尊严，而不是无限制地表达。” |
| ‘Question our identity’ | “质疑我们的身份” |
| On July 1, 2019, the anniversary of the handover, hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong residents rallied for a pro-democracy march along Queen’s Road. There were middle class families with thermoses of water, pensioners in undershirts and students holding yellow umbrellas symbolizing the protest movement. | 2019年的七一回归周年纪念日，数十万香港居民在皇后大道上集会，参加民主游行。有携带保温瓶的中产阶级家庭，穿着汗衫的退休老人和拿着象征抗议运动的黄色雨伞的学生。 |
| Breaking away from the crowds, Brian Leung turned onto a side street that led to the new Legislative Council building, joining other protesters who hid their identities behind masks. They besieged the building, shattering glass, twisting metal gates and scrawling anti-Communist Party graffiti. | 梁继平走出人群，进入一条通往新立法会大楼的小街，加入了其他为隐藏身份而蒙面的抗议者。他们围攻大楼，打碎玻璃，将金属门砸到变形，四处涂鸦反共标语。 |
| As the police closed in, Mr. Leung clambered onto a table, ripped off his mask and delivered a democracy manifesto. He was the only protester who showed his face. | 随着警察的逼近，梁继平爬到一张桌子上，拉下口罩，发表了一份民主宣言。他是唯一一个露脸的抗议者。 |
| The son of migrants from China who never finished high school, Mr. Leung, now 28, exemplified the promise of Hong Kong. Growing up in public housing, he became the first member of his family to attend the University of Hong Kong. | 梁继平现年28岁，他的父母是没有读完高中的大陆移民，他本人就是香港应许愿景的一个缩影。他在公屋长大，成为家中第一个就读香港大学的人。 |
| It was a time when many Hong Kong youths felt proud of their dual identity: Chinese, yes, but a special kind who cherished British common law and custardy egg tarts with Portuguese provenance. | 那个时期，许多香港青年为自己的双重身份感到自豪：中国人，是的，但是属于一个特殊的群体，怀着对普通法系和源自葡萄牙的蛋挞的热爱。 |
| When Beijing held the Summer Olympics in 2008, Mr. Leung cheered the teams of both Hong Kong and China. | 2008年北京举办夏季奥运会时，梁继平同时为中国和香港代表团加油助威。 |
| “I think we all wanted to give China a chance, and we thought with the return to the motherland, we in Hong Kong could be part of this great nation,” he said. | “我想我们都想给中国一个机会，我们认为随着回归祖国，我们在香港的人可以成为这个伟大国家的一部分，”他说。 |
| Hong Kong civil society, powered by youth, made a difference. A group of teenagers helped persuade the government to shelve a pro-Beijing curriculum. | 由青年驱动的香港公民社会发挥了作用。一群青少年参与了说服政府搁置亲北京教科书的活动。 |
| The summer marches of 2019, like a student sit-in campaign five years before, led to a more poignant denouement. Police responded to the leaderless protesters with increasing force, arresting thousands of teenagers. By the time the coronavirus pandemic restricted gatherings in 2020, a hush had fallen over Hong Kong. | 2019年夏季的游行，就像五年前的学生静坐运动一样，以更加惨烈的方式结束。警方以日益增加的警力回应无人领导的抗议者，逮捕了数千名青少年。2020年，新冠病毒大流行限制了集会，此时的香港已是一片寂静。 |
| Today, only 2 percent of Hong Kong youth consider themselves to be “Chinese,” a local poll found. More than three-quarters identified as “Hong Kongers.” There is pride in Cantonese, the patois of Hong Kong, rather than the Mandarin of the mainland. | 当地的一项民调发现，如今，只有2%的香港青年认为自己是“中国人”。超过四分之三认为自己是“香港人”。粤语是香港的方言，人们以说粤语为傲，而不是大陆的普通话。 |
| “When it became clear that China was no longer interested in liberal reforms, we began to question our identity as Chinese,” said Mr. Leung, who edited a collection of essays called “Hong Kong Nationalism.” “We began to think, ‘we are Hong Kongers.’” | “当中国显然不再对自由改革感兴趣时，我们开始质疑我们作为中国人的身份，”梁继平说道。他编辑了一本名为《香港民族主义》的文集。“我们开始认为，‘我们是香港人。’” |
| For the millions who fled upheaval in China, Hong Kong served for more than a century as a refuge but also a way station to a better place. Eventually, Hong Kong’s transience settled. The territory became home to millions of Chinese, many of whom adopted Western names for the ease of the British bureaucracy: Kelvin and Fiona, Gladys and Alvin, Brian and Eunice. | 一个多世纪以来，对于逃离中国动荡的数百万人来说，香港既是一个避难所，也是通往更美好地方的中转站。最终，香港不再是一个权宜的选择。这里成为数百万中国人的家园，其中许多人为了英国官僚机构的便利而起了英文名：Kelvin和Fiona、Gladys和Alvin、Brian和Eunice。 |
| Now, Hong Kong is shedding residents. In one month this year, about as many people departed from the airport as migrated to Hong Kong in all of 2019. Continuing coronavirus restrictions mean that hardly anyone is coming. Many of those activists not in prison are in exile. Taxi drivers, accountants and professors have left for new lives abroad. | 现在，香港人正在离去。今年的一个月内，从机场离港的人数相当于2019年全年移居香港的人数。持续的新冠病毒限制措施意味着几乎没有人进入香港。许多没有入狱的活动人士流亡海外。出租车司机、会计师和教授纷纷搬去国外，开始新的生活。 |
| Hours after the police cleared the Legislative Council with tear gas in July 2019, Mr. Leung left Hong Kong, his heart thumping as the plane lifted into the air. | 2019年7月，警方用催泪瓦斯对立法会清场后数小时，梁继平离开了香港，飞机起飞时他的心怦怦直跳。 |
| “I couldn’t stop the tears,” said Mr. Leung, who now lives in the United States. “I love Hong Kong so much. That’s why I was fighting for it and that’s why I had to leave.” | “我忍不住流下了眼泪，”现居美国的梁继平说。“我非常爱香港。这就是我为它抗争的原因，也是我不得不离开的原因。” |
| He has not returned since. | 从那以后，他就再也没有回来过。 |
| ‘That was my fate’ | “这就是命” |
| Mr. To, the noodle maker, risked his life to escape China in 1978. He trained for more than a year, honing his swimming and bulking up for the hike across the hills. His first foray failed. On his second, rains molded the moon cakes packed for the journey. Finally, after seven nights in the forests, he saw Hong Kong across the water. | 1978年，做面条的杜和冒着生命危险逃离中国。他为此训练了一年多，提高自己的游泳能力，为徒步翻山练块头。他的第一次尝试失败了。他再次启程，作为干粮的月饼却在雨水中发了霉。终于，在森林里走了七个晚上后，他看到了对岸的香港。 |
| “We swam toward the light,” he said. | “我们朝着光亮游去，”他说。 |
| Queen’s Road dazzled Mr. To with its colorful signs broadcasting all manner of delicacies: abalone and silver needle tea, Scottish whiskey and cream cakes. | 皇后大道上五颜六色的各种美食招牌让杜和眼花缭乱：鲍鱼和银针茶、苏格兰威士忌和奶油蛋糕。 |
| The China he left was desperately poor. Only twice in his childhood was his belly fully sated. When his wife’s sister visited family back in China, she balanced bamboo poles laden with jugs of cooking oil on her shoulders and wore multiple layers of clothes to distribute to relatives. | 他离开的时候，中国非常穷。他在童年时代只有两次吃饱过。当他妻子的亲人回大陆探亲时，为了救济众亲友，挑了挂满一壶壶食用油的扁担，把衣服一层套一层地穿着身上，好脱下来分给亲戚。 |
| Today in parts of Guangdong, the southern Chinese province neighboring Hong Kong, the world’s fastest and most sustained economic boom has lifted living standards higher than those of some people in the former British colony. Along Queen’s Road, punishing rents and a business slowdown have forced artisan families from their old shops. | 今天，在与香港相邻的广东省的部分地区，世界上增长速度最快、持续时间最久的经济繁荣已经让人们的生活水平超过了这个前英国殖民地的部分人群。在皇后大道，高昂的租金和商业放缓迫使靠手艺吃饭的家庭放弃了他们的老店。 |
| Mr. To is now past China’s retirement age. His son, To Tak-tai, 35, will one day take over the noodle shop, praying to the same flour-covered kitchen god. | 杜和现在已经过了中国的退休年龄。他的儿子、35岁的杜德泰（音）有朝一日会接管这家店，祭拜同一个沾着面粉的灶神。 |
| Unlike his parents, he was born in Hong Kong. He entertains no thoughts of leaving. | 与父母不同，他出生在香港。他没有离开的想法。 |
| “Hong Kong is home,” he said. | “香港就是家，”他说。 |
| For now, Mr. To toils day after day, feeding the noodle-making machines. Hong Kong has a patchy social safety net. He can’t remember the last time he enjoyed a proper holiday. | 现在，杜和日复一日地辛勤工作，用面条机生产面条。香港的社会保障体系不健全。他不记得自己上一次享受正常的假期是什么时候了。 |
| Mr. To lives with his family in a cramped apartment but has built a six-story mansion in his native village in Guangdong. His siblings, who never left China, are living comfortably off state pensions. He dreams of retiring there, too. | 他与家人住在一间狭窄的公寓里，但在广东的老家建了一座六层的大宅。他的兄弟姐妹们从未离开过中国，靠国家养老金过着舒适的生活。他也梦想在那里退休。 |
| “In Hong Kong, if I don’t work, I have nothing,” Mr. To said, his bare torso and eyelashes frosted with flour. “But coming to Hong Kong, that was my fate.” | “在香港，如果我不工作，我什么都没有，”杜和说，他赤裸的上身和睫毛上都沾上了面粉。“但我来了香港，这就是命。” |
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