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| NEW DELHI — As international outrage over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine boiled over, foreign ministers and envoys filed in to New Delhi, hoping to pull India off the fence and into clearer condemnation of Russia, its longtime ally. | 新德里——随着国际社会对俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的愤怒爆发，各国外交部长和特使纷纷前往新德里，希望能让印度改变态度，更明确地谴责该国长期盟友俄罗斯。 |
| The United States offered a mix of carrots and sticks: signaling a willingness to expand defense cooperation with India, long dependent on Moscow for a majority of its weapons, but also calling India a “shaky” member of an important alliance of democracies known as the Quad. Prime ministers of Japan and Australia, both part of that alliance, held meetings with India’s leaders. Israel announced that its prime minister would arrive soon. | 美国给出了胡萝卜加大棒的组合：该国表示愿意扩大与印度的防务合作——长期以来，印度大部分武器都依赖莫斯科供应，但美国也称印度是重要民主联盟“四方安全对话”中的“不稳定”成员。日本和澳大利亚都是该联盟的成员，这两个国家的领导人都同印度领导人举行了会谈。以色列宣布该国总理即将访问印度。 |
| But when the United Nations again voted last week on a resolution critical of the Russian aggression, India stuck to abstaining. Then India further emphasized its relative neutrality: It also abstained from supporting a resolution that favored Russia. Instead, India called for an end to hostilities and respect for the territorial integrity of states — an expression of displeasure with Russia’s war without calling it out as an aggressor. | 但当联合国上周再次就一项批评俄罗斯侵略行为的决议投票时，印度坚持投了弃权票。随后，印度进一步强调其相对中立：在为一项有利于俄罗斯的决议投票时，印度也投了弃权票。相反，印度呼吁结束敌对行动，尊重各国领土完整——这表达了对俄罗斯发动战争的不满，但没有将其称为侵略者。 |
| The Russian invasion of Ukraine and its backlash offer the latest manifestations of India’s effort to chart its own path through rapid changes in the world order in recent years. At the center of it is an increasing clarity among India’s foreign policy strategists that the country cannot afford to take sides in what is increasingly a multipolar world, officials and analysts say. | 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰及其引发的强烈反弹，令印度有了最新的机会，得以展现近年来该国在世界秩序迅速变化的过程中如何开辟自己的道路。官员和分析人士说，其核心在于印度的外交政策战略家们越来越清楚地认识到，在这个日益多极化的世界里，印度承担不起偏袒任何一方的代价。 |
| India’s vulnerabilities — including a slowing economy that is struggling to meet the demands of a growing population and an ill-equipped military stretched on two fronts by territorial disputes with China and Pakistan — are such that it needs allies far and wide, even if it means New Delhi has to work with the harsh reality of those allies’ bitterly opposing each other. | 印度的脆弱性包括经济增长放缓，难以满足不断增长的人口需求，以及装备不良的军队因与中国和巴基斯坦的领土争端而在两条战线上的捉襟见肘，这使得该国在远方与近处均需要盟友，即便这意味着新德里不得不应对这些盟友之间彼此激烈对立的残酷现实。 |
| After decades spent trying to delicately navigate the Cold War legacy of a bipolar world, it is facing even more complications, including the rise of an expansionist China on its doorstep. | 几十年来，印度一直试图巧妙地应对冷战时期两极世界的遗留问题，如今该国面临着更加复杂的局面，包括一个奉行扩张主义的中国在其家门口崛起。 |
| “Our position is not that this is not our problem — our position is that we are for peace,” Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, India’s foreign minister, told the country’s Parliament on the day India again chose to abstain from voting against Russia at the United Nations. “Indian foreign policy decisions are made in Indian national interest, and we are guided by our thinking, our views, our interests.” | “我们的立场不是说这不是我们的问题；我们的立场是我们支持和平，”印度外交部长苏杰生(Subrahmanyam Jaishankar)在印度再次选择在联合国对俄罗斯问题投弃权票当天如此告诉该国议会。“印度的外交政策决定是根据国家利益做出的，我们以自己的思想、观点和利益为指导。” |
| The debate in the Upper House that day was indicative of the difficult waters India is navigating. | 当天在上议院的辩论表明了印度正面临的困难。 |
| There was talk of a Western “double game” in pressuring India to stop oil purchases from Russia, just about 1 percent of its overall oil imports, while Europe continued buying Russian oil. But there was also questions of what India’s neutral position means for its security. Does India risk angering the United States and other Quad countries partnered in bolstering security against China? What if Russia and China drew closer as a result of the Western sanctions? | 在欧洲继续购买俄罗斯石油的同时，西方却向印度施压，要求其停止从俄罗斯购买石油——俄罗斯的石油进口量仅占印度石油总进口量的1%左右，有人说，这是西方的“双重标准”。但也有人质疑印度的中立立场对其安全意味着什么。印度是否会有激怒美国和其他“四方安全对话”国家的风险？这些国家本是为了进一步对抗中国才合作的。如果俄罗斯和中国因西方制裁而走得更近又该怎么办？ |
| Dr. Jaishankar is in a unique position, at once the chief theorist of India’s vision for a path in this complicated new world order and the person responsible for the difficult work of implementing of that vision. | 苏杰生处于一个独特的位置，他既是印度在复杂世界新秩序中寻找道路的首席理论家，也是负责实现该愿景这一艰难工作的人。 |
| During his four decades in India’s foreign service, he held ambassadorial postings in Washington and Beijing before retiring in 2018 as the country’s highest-ranking bureaucrat in the service. He was chosen by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to become foreign minister a year later, but he used the gap to produce a book, “The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World,” on the country’s foreign policy doctrine. | 在印度外交部门工作的40年里，他曾担任驻华盛顿和北京的大使，然后在2018年作为该国外交部门级别最高的官员退休。一年后，他被印度总理莫迪选为外交部长，但他利用这一空档期出版了一本关于印度外交政策原则的书，名为《印度之路——不确定世界的战略》(the India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World)。 |
| In the book, a favorite reference of foreign diplomats in New Delhi, he attributes much of the challenge of the fluctuating world to the consequences of a “greater individualism, more insularity and sharp retrenchment” by the United States in recent years, along with the rise of a more aggressive China. | 驻新德里的各国外交官都喜欢将该书作为参考，在这本书里，他将不断变化的世界的大部分挑战归结为近年来美国“更多的个人主义、更多的孤立性和急剧紧缩”的后果，以及一个更具侵略性的中国的崛起。 |
| “It would require advancing national interests by identifying and exploiting opportunities created by global contradictions,” Dr. Jaishankar wrote. | “这将需要通过识别和利用全球矛盾所创造的机会来增进国家利益，”苏杰生写道。 |
| Just how delicate that work is in practice played out last week, during the visit to New Delhi by the Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi. | 上周，在中国外交部长王毅访问新德里期间，这项工作在实践中表现出其微妙之处。 |
| It was the first ministerial visit between the two countries since the deadly skirmishes in the Himalayan borders two years ago, which have kept the relations tense. | 这是自两年前喜马拉雅边境发生小规模致命冲突以来，两国之间的首次部长级访问，此前的冲突使得两国关系一直处于紧张状态。 |
| Indian officials stressed that the meetings with Mr. Wang were aimed at expediting the disengagement of the tens of thousands of troops, a slow process despite 15 rounds of talks between the two militaries. | 印度官员强调，与王毅的会晤旨在加快数万名军人的撤军。尽管两国军方进行了15轮谈判，但这一过程仍然缓慢。 |
| But many analysts saw in the timing of the visit, and the messaging from Beijing and Moscow around it, an effort to exploit the divergence between New Delhi and Washington — and even to show India in one bloc with Russia and China. | 然而许多分析人士认为，此次访问的时机以及北京和莫斯科围绕此次访问发出的信息，是为了利用新德里和华盛顿之间的分歧，甚至是为了显示印度与俄罗斯和中国处于同一集团。 |
| More such efforts are likely. Russia’s foreign minister, Sergey V. Lavrov, who has listed India and China among countries “who would never accept the global village under the American sheriff,” is expected to arrive in New Delhi later this week. | 未来可能会有更多这样的举动。俄罗斯外交部长谢尔盖·V·拉夫罗夫列举了印度和中国等等国家，称它们“永远不会接受美国治安官治下的地球村”。预计拉夫罗夫将于本周晚些时候抵达新德里。 |
| India’s difficult choices are driven by its own vulnerabilities — particularly an economy that is not living up to its potential — and the legacy of decades of dependence on Moscow and mistrust of Washington. | 印度之所以做出艰难的选择，是因为该国自身的脆弱性——尤其是经济至今没有发挥出潜力——以及数十年来对莫斯科的依赖和对华盛顿的不信任等遗留问题。 |
| India lagged far behind China in opening up its economy, missing out on the early benefits of globalization that turned Beijing into a giant. India’s smaller G.D.P. — about $3 trillion, one-sixth of China’s — and the needs of a population of 1.4 billion have constrained the country’s military spending. | 印度在开放经济方面远远落后于中国，错过了全球化早期的好处，而北京通过全球化成为了经济巨人。印度的GDP要小很多——大约3万亿美元，为中国的六分之一——加上14亿人口的需求，限制了该国的军费开支。 |
| “Ultimately, the real security lies in economic growth and, you know, quickly getting to something close to $10 trillion,” said Arvind Panagariya, an economics professor at Columbia University who formerly advised Mr. Modi. “Basically what China did. Who would have taken China seriously until 1990?” | “归根结底，真正的安全在于经济增长，迅速接近10万亿美元，”哥伦比亚大学经济学教授阿文德·帕纳加里亚说，他曾是莫迪的顾问。“基本上就是中国所做的事情。在1990年以前，有谁会严肃对待中国？” |
| For a large part of India’s independent history, its leaders have looked to Moscow not just for weapons’ supplies, but also for political support at the United Nations. Moscow remained a steady ally when Washington repeatedly upset New Delhi, including aiding Pakistan — India’s enemy — and imposing sanctions on India for developing nuclear weapons. | 在印度独立以来的大部分时间里，其领导人不仅向莫斯科寻求武器供应，还向联合国寻求政治支持。华盛顿屡次惹恼新德里，包括援助印度的敌人巴基斯坦，以及对印度发展核武器实施制裁，而莫斯科始终是印度坚定的盟友。 |
| Even as the ties with Washington have grown to a point that the United States is now India’s largest trading partner, there are still jolts of hesitance for New Delhi. The latest came from the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. India had closely aligned its interests there with the American presence, only to see the United States leave Afghanistan to the Taliban, which New Delhi has long seen as a proxy of a Pakistani military that is hand in glove with Beijing. | 美国现在已经是印度最大的贸易伙伴，尽管它们的关系发展到这一步，但新德里仍然有许多顾虑。最新的顾虑源于美国从阿富汗撤军。印度一直将其在那里的利益与美国的军事驻留紧密结合，结果美国却将阿富汗留给了塔利班，而长期以来，新德里一直认为塔利班是与北京密切合作的巴基斯坦军队的代理人。 |
| In its quest for “strategic autonomy,” India has been slow in creating distance from Moscow. While India has increased its weapon purchases from the United States from little to about $20 billion in the past decade, it still depends on Russia for about 60 percent of its military equipment. | 在寻求“战略自治”的过程中，印度一直在缓慢地拉开与莫斯科的距离。印度从美国购买的武器从十年前的少量增至约200亿美元，尽管如此，其60%的军事装备仍依赖俄罗斯。 |
| “I think people in the U.S. government understand and appreciate the complexities of India’s position,” said Kenneth Juster, the former U.S. ambassador to New Delhi. “But the atrocities committed by Putin will pose a challenge for India and other countries in terms, at some point, of having to further distance themselves from what he’s doing.” | “我认为美国政府的人明白并理解印度立场的复杂性，”美国前驻新德里大使肯尼斯·贾斯特说。“但普京犯下的暴行将对印度和其他国家构成挑战，在某种程度上，它们不得不与他的所作所为保持距离。” |
| The Indian government’s confidence that its divergence from Western pressure on Russia will ultimately not damage its relations is rooted in the fact that India is an important potential check on China’s expansionist foreign policy. | 印度政府相信，在对俄罗斯施压上，它与西方的分歧最终不会损害关系，根源在于印度是中国扩张主义外交政策的重要潜在制衡者。 |
| New Delhi joined the Quad alliance despite strong opposition from Russia and China, which have both likened it to a NATO in the east aiming to encircle China. But India has maintained its balancing act, buying weapons from Russia, including a missile defense system, despite threats of U.S. sanctions. | 新德里不顾俄罗斯和中国的强烈反对加入了“四方安全对话”，两国都将其比作东方的北约，旨在包围中国。但印度一直在维持平衡，即使美国威胁要制裁，它仍从俄罗斯购买武器，包括导弹防御系统。 |
| About two weeks into the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the leaders of the Quad held a summit meeting that was seen as a show of unity despite India’s not being on the same page on Russia’s war. | 俄罗斯入侵乌克兰大约两周后，四方领导人举行了一次首脑会议，尽管印度在俄罗斯战争问题上与其他国家不一致，这次会议仍被视为团结的表现。 |
| “As far as the Pentagon is concerned, we are a pin on the map in the Indian Ocean region,” said Tara Kartha, who served in India’s National Security Council for nearly two decades. “We are not that in Europe, where we have no role to play in hard defense terms.” | “对五角大楼而言，我们是印度洋地区地图上的一个图钉，”在印度国家安全委员会任职近20年的塔拉·卡尔萨说。“我们在欧洲没有这样的位置，我们在硬防御方面没有任何角色。” |
| Russia’s brutal campaign in Ukraine, and the possibility that Moscow will most likely emerge diminished from the war and sanctions, may accelerate India’s shift away from Moscow and facilitate an expansion of defense ties with the United States, some analysts said. | 一些分析人士表示，俄罗斯在乌克兰的残酷行动，以及莫斯科很可能在战争和制裁中被削弱，可能会加速印度从莫斯科的转移，并促进与美国的国防关系的扩大。 |
| But Dr. Kartha said that would be a slower process requiring the bureaucracies of both sides to overcome rooted hesitancy. There remains a “deep distrust of the U.S.” in the Indian bureaucracy because of a legacy of seeing Washington as patronizing and unreliable. | 但卡尔萨表示，这将是一个较为缓慢的过程，需要双方的官僚机构克服根深蒂固的犹豫。认为华盛顿傲慢且不可靠是印度官僚机构的一个遗留问题，在那里仍然存在“对美国的严重不信任”。 |
| “The U.S. bureaucracy has a lot of ifs and buts before it signs anything, while you have Russia coming and saying, ‘OK, let’s do this co-production’ and it’s done,” Dr. Kartha said. “Unless the U.S. is able to get past its own bureaucracy and its own way of thinking, we will still continue to be dependent on Russia.” | “美国官僚机构在签署任何东西之前会问很多‘如果’和‘但是’，而俄罗斯则会说，‘好吧，让我们一起合作，’然后就完成了，”卡尔萨说。“除非美国能够摆脱自己的官僚作派和思维方式，否则我们仍将继续依赖俄罗斯。” |
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