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| On jungle crests about a mile from the front lines in eastern Myanmar, a former hotel banquet coordinator slipped his index finger onto the trigger of an assault rifle. A dentist recalled picking larvae from a young fighter’s infected bullet wound. A marketing manager described the adapted commercial drones she is directing to foil the enemy. |
| 在距离缅甸东部前线约1.6公里的一片山顶丛林中，一位曾经的酒店宴会统筹人用食指扣住了突击步枪的扳机。一位牙医回忆起自己如何从年轻战士被感染的枪伤中挑出虫卵。一位营销经理介绍了她正在操纵的用来打击敌人的改装民用无人机。 |
| More than a year after Myanmar’s military seized full control in a coup — imprisoning the nation’s elected leaders, killing more than 1,700 civilians and arresting at least 13,000 more — the country is at war, with some unlikely combatants in the fray. |
| 距离让缅甸军方彻底掌权的政变已经过去了一年多——那场政变将缅甸的民选领导人投入监牢，导致1700多名平民被杀害，还有至少1.3万人被捕——这个国家仍处于战争状态，一些意想不到的人也加入了战斗。 |
| On one side is a military junta that, apart from a brief interlude of semi-democratic governance, has ruled with brutal force for half a century. On the other are tens of thousands of young city-dwellers who have taken up arms, trading college courses, video games and sparkly nail polish for life and death in the jungle. |
| 一边是军政府，除了短暂的半民主治理时期外，它已用残暴的武力统治了半个世纪。另一边是成千上万的年轻城市居民，他们放下了大学课程、电子游戏和闪亮的指甲油，选择拿起武器，进入生死一线间的丛林。 |
| New York Times journalists recently visited a rainforest encampment in eastern Myanmar, where about 3,000 members of one newly minted militia are subsisting in crude bamboo or tarpaulin shelters and are engaging in battle nearly every day. |
| 最近，《纽约时报》的记者探访了缅甸东部一处雨林营地，那里有一个新兴民兵组织，大约3000名成员就生活在简陋的竹屋或防水油布帐篷里，他们几乎每天都在战斗。 |
| While their numbers are a fraction of one of Southeast Asia’s largest standing armies, these Generation Z warriors have thrown off balance a military that has long made war crimes its calling card. And the conflict is escalating, even as the world’s attention has moved on to other moral outrages, like Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. |
| 比起拥有东南亚规模最大常备军之一的缅甸政府，他们的人数微不足道，但这些Z世代战士已经让这支长期以战争罪行作为标志的军队惊讶不已。尽管全球关注的焦点转向了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰等其他引发义愤的行径上，但这里的冲突仍在升级。 |
| Today, far from consolidating its hold over the country, Myanmar’s army, known as the Tatmadaw, is forced to fight on dozens of fronts, from the borderlands near India, China and Thailand to the villages and towns of the country’s heartland. There are skirmishes nearly every day, and casualties, too. |
| 如今，被称为缅甸国防军的缅甸军队不仅没能巩固其控制，反而被迫在数十条战线上作战，战火从靠近印度、中国和泰国的边境地区一直烧到了缅甸中心地带的村庄和城镇。几乎每天都会爆发小规模冲突，每天也都有人员伤亡。 |
| “I am fighting because I don’t accept the military coup, and I don’t accept that they want to take democracy from us,” said a midwife from a city in southern Myanmar, who, like others, did not want her name used to protect her family members back home. |
| “我之所以战斗，是因为我不接受军事政变，不接受他们从我们这里夺走民主，”来自缅甸南部城市的一位助产士说，为了保护老家的亲人，她和其他人一样不愿意具名。 |
| Known by the nom de guerre Snow White, she made her way last May to an area controlled by an ethnic armed group that has been fighting for autonomy for decades. Since then, the ethnic rebels and deserters from the army have taught her how to load a rifle, assemble a handmade grenade and perform battlefield triage. |
| 她的假名叫做“白雪公主”，去年5月，她前往一处由少数民族武装组织控制的地区，该组织数十年来一直在争取自治。自那以后，少数民族反抗军和国防军的逃兵就在教她如何给步枪上膛，如何组装自制手雷，以及如何在战场上进行验伤分类。 |
| “Our generation has ideals,” she said. “We believe in freedom.” |
| “我们这一代人是有理想的，”她说。“我们相信自由。” |
| Her 3-year-old son remains in the city. He does not know where his mother has gone, she said. Snow White stroked a puppy that made its way through the camp and on to several fighters’ laps. |
| 她三岁的儿子还在城里。她说，儿子并不知道妈妈去了哪里。“白雪公主”抚摸着一只小狗，这只狗闯进了营地，自己跑到了几名战士的腿上。 |
| “It’s something to love,” she said. |
| “这是值得疼爱的东西，”她说。 |
| Facing attacks from the civilian militias, which are fighting alongside ethnic insurgent groups, the Tatmadaw has ratcheted up a counteroffensive, launching airstrikes, burning villages and terrorizing those opposed to its power grab. |
| 面对来自与少数民族叛乱组织并肩作战的民兵的袭击，国防军加强了反攻，发动空袭，烧毁村庄，并对那些反对其夺权的人进行恐吓。 |
| “All the Tatmadaw knows how to do is to kill,” said Ko Thant, who said he was a captain before he deserted from the army’s 77th Light Infantry Division last year and has since trained hundreds of civilians in battlefield tactics. “We were brainwashed all the time, but some of us have woken up.” |
| “国防军只知道如何杀人，”柯丹（Ko Thant，音）说道，他透露自己曾是国防军第77轻步兵师的一名上尉，自去年叛逃后，他对数百名平民进行了战术训练。“我们一直被洗脑，但其中有些人已经醒过来了。” |
| The opposition to the military’s coup in February 2021 began with an outpouring of millions of people into the streets of Myanmar’s cities and towns. In sandals, high heels and in the case of Buddhist monks, barefoot, a country rallied peacefully for a return of its elected leadership. Within weeks, the Tatmadaw reverted to its old playbook. Army snipers targeted protesters with single, deadly shots to the head. |
| 2021年2月，数百万民众冲上缅甸各城镇的街头，开始了反对军事政变的浪潮。有人穿着拖鞋，有人穿着高跟鞋，还有些僧侣打着赤脚，整个国家都在和平集会，要求民选领导回归。几周之内，国防军就走回了老路。军队狙击手瞄准了抗议者，向他们的头部射出一枚致命子弹。 |
| Some young people who had come of age during Myanmar’s decade of reform saw little utility in the message of nonviolent dissent coming from veteran democracy activists. They wanted to fight back. |
| 其中一些年轻人在缅甸的十年改革中长大成人，他们认为，资深民主活动人士呼吁的非暴力异议表达没有多大用处。他们想要反击。 |
| “Peaceful protests don’t work if the enemy wants to kill us,” said Naw Htee, a social worker turned militia sergeant. “We have to defend ourselves.” |
| “如果敌人想要杀死我们，和平抗议是行不通的，”从社工变成民兵士官的瑙缇（Naw Htee，音）说。“我们必须保卫自己。” |
| With tiny barrettes in her hair, she gestured at mortar fragments and artillery shells, the detritus of war that had rained on the jungle camp where she was living. A young man sat slumped next to her, a ragged scar on his shoulder from a firefight last month. |
| 她发间别着小发夹，指了指迫击炮和火炮弹药的碎片，那些战争的残片如雨点般落在她所在的丛林营地。一位年轻人颓然坐在她身旁，肩膀上的伤疤是在上个月的一次交火中留下的。 |
| There are now hundreds of civilian militias across Myanmar, organized loosely into what are called the People’s Defense Forces, or P.D.F. Each militia pledges allegiance to a civilian shadow government, the National Unity Government, which formed after the putsch, and some battalions are led by ousted lawmakers. |
| 现在缅甸全境有数百个民兵组织，松散地组成了所谓的人民防卫军(PDF)。每个民兵团都宣誓效忠于一个平民影子政府，即在暴动后成立的国家团结政府，一些民兵部队由被罢免的议员领导。 |
| The National Unity Government says it has raised more than $30 million for the war effort, mostly from donations from civilians. The surge of money has created curious imbalances. While veteran members of ethnic armed groups fight with old rifles bound in duct tape, some who belong to the People’s Defense Forces show off new weaponry with expensive sights, though all still suffer from arms shortages. |
| 国家团结政府表示，已为战争筹集了3000多万美元，大部分都是平民捐款。资金的激增造成了一些不寻常的失衡。少数民族武装组织的老兵们还在用绑着胶带的旧步枪作战，而在大家依然武器短缺的情况下，人民防卫军的一些成员炫耀着带有昂贵瞄准镜的新武器。 |
| For city kids with soft hands, enduring a malaria-plagued, snake-infested jungle is itself an achievement, much less avoiding the Tatmadaw’s snipers, mortar shells and airstrikes. |
| 对于娇贵的城市孩子来说，忍受疟疾肆虐、蛇虫出没的丛林已经实属难得，更别提还得避开国防军的狙击手、迫击炮弹和空袭。 |
| “The P.D.F. in the jungle, they have sacrificed their lives for the country, and I have special respect for them,” said U Yee Mon, a former poet who is now serving as the minister of defense for the National Unity Government. |
| “丛林里的人民防卫军，他们为国捐躯，我对他们怀有特别的敬意，”吴义孟（U Yee Mon，音）说道，他曾是一名诗人，现任国家团结政府的国防部长。 |
| Some of the young combatants were escaping arrest warrants issued for their participation in post-coup protests. They had little choice but to flee. |
| 一些年轻的参战者因参与政变后抗议而发出的逮捕令东躲西藏。他们别无选择，只能逃离。 |
| In a human rights report released on March 15, the United Nations accused the military junta of unleashing mass war crimes on its own people in the aftermath of the putsch. |
| 在3月15日发布的人权报告中，联合国指责军政府在政变后对本国人民犯下了大规模战争罪行。 |
| But aside from some financial sanctions and words of condemnation, the global community has done little to punish Myanmar’s junta. The National Unity Government has not won recognition from any country, even if its ranks are filled with elected politicians. With little hope of outside help, the shadow authority has partnered with the ethnic insurgent groups that control territory in Myanmar’s border regions. Together, they have formed an underground railroad to bring young people to safety — and to train them in basic warfare. |
| 但除了经济制裁和言语谴责，国际社会对缅甸军政府的惩罚措施少之又少。哪怕各个官阶里都是民选政客，国家团结政府还是未得到任何外国的承认。由于外国援助的希望渺茫，影子政府与控制缅甸边境地区的少数民族叛乱组织进行了合作。他们一起打造了一片地下交通网，把年轻人带到安全之处——并对他们进行基础战争训练。 |
| One morning this month, a squad of resistance fighters, none older than 26, marched down to trenches on the front lines of eastern Myanmar, steering clear of handmade land mines they had planted to defend their territory because the army’s positions were so close. Their breaths ran jagged. One fighter tripped on a branch and snapped a flip-flop. A couple of militia members wore body-armor vests, but without the hard ballistic plates that might save their lives. |
| 本月的一个清晨，一队年龄不超过26岁的反抗军在缅甸东部前线的战壕中行进，绕开他们埋下的自制地雷，因为国防军阵地过于逼近，他们要用这个办法保卫自己的领地。喘息不定之间，一名战士被树枝绊倒，碰断了触发器。有几个民兵穿了防弹衣，但没有穿可能挽救他们生命的防弹硬板。 |
| “I don’t like looking at blood,” said Ko Kyaw, a 19-year-old university student, holding a bullet in his hand. “It makes me feel dizzy.” |
| “我不喜欢见血，”19岁的大学生哥觉（Ko Kyaw，音）说，他手里拿着一颗子弹。“那让我觉得头晕。” |
| A few hours later, a pair of Tatmadaw attack helicopters strafed the rebel trenches, although advance intelligence had cleared the foxholes. At night, like nearly every night, Tatmadaw snipers took aim at whatever caught their attention: the glow from a cellphone whose user was checking Facebook, perhaps, or the red ember of a cannabis joint. |
| 几个小时后，两架缅军攻击直升机扫射了反抗军的战壕，尽管先前情报认为那里已经安全。晚上，就像几乎每个晚上一样，缅军狙击手瞄准任何引起他们注意的东西：手机发出的光，也许是有人在查看Facebook，或者是一根大麻的红色火星。 |
| The same day, to the north, a teacher and a medical student who had joined the resistance were killed, one shot in the head by a military sniper, the other felled by a mortar shell. |
| 同一天，在北方，参加抵抗运动的一名教师和一名医学生被打死，一个被军方狙击手击中头部，另一个被迫击炮弹击中。 |
| The National Unity Government claims that the People’s Defense Forces, fighting alongside more experienced fighters from the ethnic militias, killed about 9,000 Tatmadaw soldiers from June 2021 through February 2022. (About 300 militia members have died in combat, according to the shadow government.) A Myanmar military spokesman said the actual death toll was lower, and the shadow authority’s numbers could not be confirmed. But military sources acknowledged that the Tatmadaw was concerned about a rise in casualties. |
| 民族团结政府表示，从2021年6月到2022年2月，人民防卫军与更有经验的少数民族民兵战士并肩作战，杀死了大约9000名缅军士兵。（据影子政府称，约有300名民兵成员在战斗中丧生。）缅甸军方发言人表示，实际死亡人数较低，影子政府的数字无法核实。但军方消息人士承认，缅军对于伤亡人数增加感到担忧。 |
| The resistance’s wounded are treated in an outdoor jungle clinic with bamboo operating tables and a dispensary fashioned out of strips of bamboo. Ko Mon Gyi, a militia member, rested on a wooden platform, his leg bandaged from a gunshot wound sustained in fighting last month. Eight other fighters had been injured that day. |
| 抵抗组织的伤员在户外丛林诊所接受治疗，那里有竹子做成的手术台和用竹条搭建的药房。民兵成员柯孟吉（Ko Mon Gyi，音）在一个木台子上休息，他上个月在战斗中受了枪伤，腿上做了包扎。那一天还有八名战士受伤。 |
| “As soon as I’m healthy, I’ll fight again,” he said. “It’s my duty.” |
| “只要我好起来，我会再次战斗，”他说。“这是我的职责。” |
| Presiding over the clinic is a doctor who served in the Tatmadaw for nearly a dozen years. As a battlefield physician, Dr. Drid, as he calls himself, treated Tatmadaw soldiers injured in fighting against some of the same ethnic rebels who are now sheltering his People’s Defense Forces battalion. |
| 主管诊所的是一位在缅军服役十几年的医生。他自称德里德医生。作为一名战地医生，他曾治疗在与少数民族武装交战中受伤的国防军士兵，而那些少数民族武装如今收留了他的人民防卫军。 |
| “I believe in human rights and democracy,” Dr. Drid said. “The Tatmadaw should fight for these things, protect these things.” |
| “我相信人权和民主，”德里德医生说。“缅军应该为这些东西而战，保护这些东西。” |
| The former army doctor’s voice shook and his hands trembled as he described the day last year when he left home and deserted. He did not tell his family where he went for fear that the Tatmadaw would retaliate against them; some relatives of soldiers who deserted have been imprisoned and tortured. For all his child knows, he said, he might have been killed in combat. |
| 这位前军医在用颤抖的声音描述着去年离家并叛逃的情景，双手发抖。他没有告诉家人他去了哪里，因为担心缅军会报复他们；一些叛逃士兵的亲属被监禁和施刑。他说，说不定他的孩子认为他已经在战斗中丧生。 |
| “They are cowards,” he said, of the armed forces he had joined at the age of 15. “They are robots who cannot think.” |
| “他们是懦夫，”他谈到自己15岁时加入的武装部队时说，“他们是不会思考的机器人。” |
| For members of Myanmar’s young generation, the coup was a return to an almost unimaginable past, one without Facebook and foreign investment. Under a former army regime, Myanmar had been one of the most isolated countries on earth. Since the putsch, the new junta, led by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, has banned social media, destroyed the economy and again bunkered an entire nation. |
| 对于缅甸年轻一代的成员来说，政变即是回到几乎无法想象的过去，一个没有Facebook和外国投资的地方。在之前的军政府治下，缅甸一直是地球上最孤立的国家之一。自政变以来，由敏昂莱大将领导的新军政府禁止社交媒体，破坏经济并再次使整个国家陷入贫困。 |
| “The generals stole our future,” said Ko Arkar, who until the coup worked as a chef at a hotel in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. |
| “将军们偷走了我们的未来，”在政变之前在缅甸最大城市仰光的一家酒店担任厨师的哥阿卡（Ko Arkar，音）说。 |
| He used to spend his days clarifying beef consommé and grilling the perfect medium-rare steak. Now he patrols the front lines with a network engineer, a garment factory worker and a medalist in sailing at the Southeast Asian Games. |
| 他以前的生活就是整天忙着撇去牛肉汤里的浮沫，将牛排烤至完美的半熟。现在，他与一名网络工程师、一名服装厂工人和一名东南亚运动会帆船奖牌获得者一同在前线巡逻。 |
| Other generations of young people in Myanmar have tried to unseat the military from the jungle. It happened in 1962, after the army’s first coup, and it happened in 1988, after the Tatmadaw crushed mass protests in Myanmar’s version of the Tiananmen Square massacre. Nearly 35 years ago, students and intellectuals fled to the very same forests where the People’s Defense Forces are now sheltering. |
| 缅甸以前也有几代年轻人曾试图将军队赶出丛林。这发生在1962年军队第一次政变之后；也发生在1988年缅军在缅甸版天安门广场大屠杀中粉碎了大规模抗议活动之后。大约35年前，学生和知识分子逃到了人民防卫军现在藏身的那片森林。 |
| They, too, aligned with the ethnic rebels who have been battling for self-rule for decades. After a few years, that student-led armed movement fizzled. The ethnic groups that gave them refuge discovered that the students and their compatriots were not as dedicated to notions of ethnic equality as they had hoped. The military remained in power. |
| 他们也与几十年来一直争取自治的少数民族叛军结盟。几年后，这场由学生领导的武装运动失败了。给他们提供庇护的民族团体发现，这些学生和他们的同胞并没有像他们所希望的那样致力于民族平等的概念。军队仍然掌权。 |
| This time, the resistance is better organized and better funded. It has harnessed the energies of young people across the country, who are fighting in both urban and rural environments. And it is partnering more amicably with ethnic armed groups, such as those that represent the Karen minority, which has been fighting one of the world’s longest running civil conflicts. |
| 这一次，抵抗组织得到了更好的组织和更好的资金支持。它利用了全国各地年轻人的能量，他们在城市和农村环境中战斗。而且，它与少数民族武装组织的合作也更加友好，比如代表克伦少数民族的武装组织，他们一直在进行世界上持续时间最长的内战之一。 |
| “We know how evil the Tatmadaw is because they have been killing our people and raping our women,” said Saw Bu Paw, a battalion commander for the Karen National Liberation Army, one of dozens of ethnic rebel groups. “With the coup, everyone in the whole country knows their evil nature.” |
| “我们知道缅军有多邪恶，他们一直在杀害我们的人民，强奸我们的妇女，”克伦民族解放军的一名营长苏布包（Saw Bu Paw，音）说。该组织是数十个少数民族反抗组织之一。“随着政变发生，整个国家的所有人都了解了他们的邪恶本性。” |
| United Nations investigators have said that the Myanmar military’s treatment of some of the country’s ethnic minorities bears the hallmarks of genocide. This month, the United States designated the Tatmadaw’s campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority as a genocide, as well. |
| 联合国调查人员表示，缅甸军方对待该国一些少数民族的方式带有种族灭绝的特征。本月，美国还将缅甸军队针对罗兴亚穆斯林少数民族的运动列为种族灭绝。 |
| While no solid data exists, the number of Tatmadaw desertions appears, anecdotally, to be rising. Even before the coup, soldiers were overstretched and underpaid. |
| 虽然没有可靠的数据，但据传闻，缅甸军队的逃兵人数似乎正在上升。甚至在政变之前就已经存在兵源和薪水不足的问题。 |
| “Who wants to be a soldier now?” asked Dr. Wai, another Tatmadaw doctor who deserted and is now attending to the People’s Defense Forces in the forest. “It is a shameful career.” |
| “现在谁想当兵？”一位韦医生问道，他也曾是缅军军医，现在在森林里为人民防卫军服务。“这是一个可耻的职业。” |
| War is ugly, and the rebels have been accused of abuses. In the cities, members of People’s Defense Forces have carried out a campaign of assassinations and bombings that have raised questions of whether personal grudges are sometimes being carried out under the guise of fighting for democracy. |
| 战争是丑陋的，叛军被指控滥用权力。在这些城市，人民防卫军的成员进行了暗杀和爆炸活动，这引起人们的质疑他们是否有时在争取民主的幌子下解决个人恩怨。 |
| Still, the resistance keeps growing, luring unlikely recruits. |
| 尽管如此，抵抗运动仍在不断壮大，吸引着一些意想不到的新成员。 |
| Until last year, John Henry Newman, as he is known by his baptismal name, was studying to become a priest at a Roman Catholic seminary in Yangon. His fingers, once practiced at caressing rosary beads, have pressed a rifle trigger again and again. In fighting last December in eastern Myanmar, the enemy was so close, he said — he fired, but he does not know if his bullets made contact. |
| 直到去年，约翰·亨利·纽曼（这是他的教名）还在仰光的一所罗马天主教神学院学习，准备成为神父。他曾经练习抚摸念珠的手指一次又一次地按下步枪的扳机。他说，去年12月在缅甸东部的战斗中，敌人离得太近，他开枪了，但他不知道自己的子弹是否击中了敌人。 |
| “Killing is a sin,” he said. “But not when it is a good war.” |
| “杀人是一种罪恶，”他说。“但在一场正义的战争中则不然。” |
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