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| BRUSSELS — President Biden took office with the idea that this century’s struggle would be between the world’s democracies and autocracies. |
| 布鲁塞尔——拜登总统上任时的想法是，本世纪的斗争将是世界上的民主国家与专制国家之间的斗争。 |
| But in waging war on Ukraine, President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia has been driven by a different concept, ethno-nationalism. It is an idea of nationhood and identity based on language, culture and blood — a collectivist ideology with deep roots in Russian history and thought. |
| 但是，驱动俄罗斯总统普京发动乌克兰战争的是一个不同的概念：族裔民族主义(ethno-nationalism)。这是一种建立在语言、文化和血统上的民族意识和身份认同，一种深深扎根于俄罗斯历史和思想的集体主义意识形态。 |
| Mr. Putin has repeatedly asserted that Ukraine is not a real state and that the Ukrainians are not a real people, but actually Russian, part of a Slavic heartland that also includes Belarus. |
| 普京反复宣称，乌克兰不是一个真正的国家，乌克兰人不构成一个真正的民族，而是俄罗斯人的一部分，斯拉夫民族的腹地包括俄罗斯、乌克兰和白俄罗斯。 |
| “Putin wants to consolidate the civilizational border of Russia, as he calls it, and he is doing that by invading a sovereign European country,” said Ivan Vejvoda, a senior fellow at the Institute of Human Sciences in Vienna. |
| “普京想巩固他所谓的俄罗斯文明的边界，他正在通过入侵一个欧洲主权国家来达到这一目的，”维也纳人类科学研究所高级研究员伊万·韦沃达说。 |
| In this sense, argues Ivan Krastev, the war is one of recolonization, capturing lands ruled by the Russian empire and the Soviet Union. “Even if Ukraine were autocratic, it would not be tolerated by Putin,” he said. “He’s reconsolidating imperial nationalism.’’ |
| 伊万·克勒斯特夫认为，从这个意义上看，这是一场重建殖民地的战争，把曾被俄罗斯帝国和苏联统治的土地夺回来。“即使乌克兰由专制者统治，普京也不会容忍其存在，”克勒斯特夫说。“他正在重新巩固帝国民族主义。” |
| If Mr. Putin began as a “Soviet man, a red colonel,” said Mr. Krastev, a Bulgarian who is chairman of the Center for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, “He now attacks the Soviet Union as a repressor of the Russian people. For him, this is an identity war.” |
| 保加利亚人克勒斯特夫是索菲亚自由战略中心主席，他说，如果说普京开始的时候是一名“苏联人，一名红军上校”的话，“他现在把苏联当作俄罗斯人民的压迫者来攻击，对他来说，这是一场身份战争。” |
| For Mr. Putin’s opponents in Ukraine and the West, nations are built on civic responsibility, the rule of law and the rights of individuals and minorities, including free expression and a free vote. |
| 反对普京的乌克兰人和西方人认为，国家是建立在公民责任、法治以及个人和少数群体的权利之上的，包括言论自由和投票自由。 |
| “What Russia is doing is not just making war against an innocent nation here,” said Timothy Snyder, a professor at Yale who has written extensively about Russia and Ukraine, but attacking assumptions about a peaceful Europe that respects borders, national sovereignty and multilateral institutions. |
| 耶鲁大学教授蒂莫西·斯奈德说，“俄罗斯正在做的，不仅是发动对一个无辜国家的战争”，也是攻击有关一个尊重边界、国家主权和多边机构的和平欧洲的假设。斯奈德写过大量有关俄罗斯和乌克兰的文章。 |
| “The Russian leadership is deliberately undoing the linguistic and the moral structure that we drew from the Second World War,” he said. |
| “俄罗斯领导层正在蓄意破坏我们从第二次世界大战中得来的语言和道德结构，”他说。 |
| Underlying the war is a clash of political systems, “a war against liberal democracy” and Ukraine’s right to self-determination, said Nathalie Tocci, the director of Italy’s International Affairs Institute. But that is just part of a larger conflict, she said, as Mr. Putin tries to change the meaning of what it is to be sovereign. |
| 意大利国际事务研究所所长娜塔莉·托奇说，这场战争从根本上来说，是政治制度之间的冲突，是“反对自由民主制度”和乌克兰自决权的战争。但她说，随着普京试图改变国家主权的含义，这场战争只是一个更大冲突的一部分。 |
| “He’s going back to a dangerous, irredentist and ethnic nationalist view of sovereignty and self-determination,” Ms. Tocci said. |
| “普京正在回到一种危险的、领土收复主义和族裔民族主义的主权和自决权观念，”托奇说。 |
| Mr. Vejvoda, who is a Serb, notes that the concept of ethno-nationalism is one that the former Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic manipulated as well, asserting that the old Yugoslavia repressed Serbian identity and ambitions. While Mr. Milosevic used such arguments in a cynical fashion, Mr. Putin seems to have imbibed them wholeheartedly. |
| 塞尔维亚人韦沃达指出，族裔民族主义也是前塞尔维亚领导人斯洛博丹·米洛舍维奇玩弄的观念，米洛舍维奇声称，以前的南斯拉夫抑制了塞尔维亚人的身份和夙愿。虽然米洛舍维奇以怀疑一切的方式使用这种观念，但普京似乎对其全盘接受。 |
| The idea of Russia as a separate civilization from the West with which it competes goes back centuries, to the roots of Orthodox Christianity and the notion of Moscow as a “third Rome,” following Rome itself and Constantinople. Mr. Snyder has examined the sources of what he has called a form of Russian Christian fascism, including Ivan Ilyin, a writer born in 1883, who saw salvation in a totalitarian state led by a righteous individual. |
| 俄罗斯独立于西方文明并与西方文明竞争的想法已存在了几个世纪，其根源是东正教以及莫斯科是继罗马和君士坦丁堡之后的“第三罗马”的观念。斯奈德考查过被他称为俄罗斯基督教法西斯主义类型的来源，包括1883年出生的作家伊万·伊林，伊林认为解救俄罗斯的途径是由一名正直之士领导一个极权主义国家。 |
| Ilyin’s ideas have been revived and celebrated by Mr. Putin and his close circle of security men and allies like Yuri Kovalchuk, who was described recently by Mikhail Zygar, the former editor of the independent news channel TV Rain, as “an ideologue, subscribing to a worldview that combines Orthodox Christian mysticism, anti-American conspiracy theories and hedonism.” |
| 伊林的想法已经死灰复燃，并受到普京和与他关系密切的安全人员小圈子以及尤里·科瓦利丘克等盟友的颂扬。独立新闻电视频道“雨”的前主编米哈伊尔·济加尔最近把科瓦利丘克描述为“意识形态理论家，信奉东正教神秘主义、反美阴谋论和享乐主义混合的世界观”。 |
| Mr. Putin has been similarly taken by the ideas of Lev Gumilyov, a Soviet-era historian and ethnologist who promoted “Eurasianism” as an antidote to European influence, and Aleksandr Dugin, who has advanced that notion to promote an ultranationalist view of Russia’s destiny as a conservative empire in perpetual conflict with the liberal Western world. Their histories have been described notably by Charles Clover in his book, “Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia’s New Nationalism.” |
| 普京同样着迷于苏联时代的历史学家和民族学家列夫·古米廖夫的观念，古米廖夫曾把“欧亚主义”作为消除欧洲影响的解药。普京也喜欢亚历山大·杜金，杜金进一步发展了这个观念，他提倡的极端民族主义观点认为，俄罗斯作为一个保守帝国，命中注定与西方自由世界存在永久冲突。查尔斯·克洛弗的书《黑风白雪：俄罗斯新民族主义的崛起》(Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia’s New Nationalism)对这两个人的历史有详细的描述。 |
| Mr. Dugin, who has long pressed for the reabsorption of Ukraine, is sometimes called “Putin’s philosopher.” In 2014, Mr. Dugin said: “Only after restoring the Greater Russia that is the Eurasian Union, we can become a credible global player.” The Ukrainian revolt against Russian influence that year he called “a coup d’état by the United States,” a Western attempt to stop “the advance of Russian integration.” |
| 杜金长期以来呼吁将乌克兰重新并入俄罗斯，他有时被人称为“普京的哲学家”。杜金曾在2014年说，“只有恢复了大俄罗斯，也就是欧亚联盟，我们才能成为一个可信的全球参与者。”他把那年乌克兰反对俄罗斯影响的抗议活动称为“美国发动的政变”，是西方阻止“俄罗斯一体化进程”的企图。 |
| But if Mr. Putin once seemed to use such views cynically to fill the ideological hole left by the collapse of communism, he now seems to have absorbed them — and acted upon them. |
| 但是，如果说普京以前似乎是以犬儒的态度使用这些思想，以填补共产主义崩溃后留下的意识形态空白的话，那么他现在似乎已全盘接受了这些思想，并据其采取行动。 |
| There is prepared soil for such ideas in Russia, which has been torn for centuries between “Westernizers” and those who see the West as a cancer — alien, decadent, insidious and threatening. |
| 俄罗斯有让这些思想生根发芽的土壤。几个世纪以来，俄罗斯一直饱受“西化派”与那些将西方视为毒瘤的人进行斗争的创伤，后者认为西方是异域的、腐朽的，是隐伏的威胁。 |
| Western Europeans coped differently with their own failed empires, combining their weakened nation-states into the European Union, in part to constrain aggressive nationalism. “The European Union was the transformation of empires that failed, desperate to find something new,” said Pierre Vimont, a former French ambassador to the United States now at Carnegie Europe — something safer and less prone to war. |
| 西欧人用不同的方式应对自己失败的帝国，将他们削弱了的民族国家合并起来，成立了欧盟，这在一定程度上是为了约束侵略性的民族主义。“欧盟是失败帝国渴望一种新东西的产物”，是一种更安全、更不容易发生战争的东西，法国驻美国前任大使、目前在卡内基欧洲中心工作的皮埃尔·维蒙说。 |
| Mr. Putin’s concept of a nation is an ethnic and autocratic one, in contrast to the Western idea of a multicultural state built on civic responsibility, the rule of law and individual rights. To be an American, many have suggested, it is necessary simply to swear allegiance to the flag, obey the law and pay your taxes. |
| 普京的国家概念建立在民族和专制之上，与西方的多元文化国家概念形成鲜明对比，西方认为国家建立在公民责任、法治和个人权利之上。许多人认为，成为一个美国人只需要宣誓效忠国旗、遵守法律、纳税。 |
| Efforts to more narrowly define what it is to be a “true American” have fed into a far-right populism, and in former President Trump’s praise of Mr. Putin there are elements of identification with a strong leader defending “traditional” — and restrictive — definitions of national belonging. |
| 更狭隘地定义怎样才算一个“真正的美国人”的努力助长了极右民粹主义，而且在前总统特朗普对普京的赞扬中，包含了对一位捍卫“传统的”——限制性的——国家归属定义的强势领导人的认同元素。 |
| But as with the far right in European countries like Germany, France and Italy, association with Mr. Putin now, during his war of aggression in Ukraine, is an embarrassing reminder of where such views can lead. |
| 但就像对德国、法国和意大利等欧洲国家的极右翼一样，普京对乌克兰发动侵略战争后，极右翼与普京的联系现在是一种尴尬的提醒，提醒人们这些思想会导致什么样的后果。 |
| China, the other great autocracy in the Biden formulation, is built on similar ideas of ethnic nationalism — that all Chinese are part of the same nation, that minorities like the Uyghurs are inferior or dangerous, and that Taiwan’s separation is illusory, a crime of history that must be repaired. |
| 拜登构想中的另一个大独裁政权中国也建立在类似的族裔民族主义思想之上，即所有中国人都是属于同一个国家，像维吾尔族这样的少数民族是次等或危险的，台湾与大陆分离是幻觉，是必须纠正的历史之罪。 |
| Even India, a great democracy, has been pushed into ethnic nationalism by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with his Hindu ascendancy. In Turkey, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has recreated historical tales of the Ottoman Empire while acting in solidarity with Turkic-speaking peoples in Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh and in Central Asia. |
| 就连世界上最大的民主国家印度也已被总理莫迪推向了以他信奉的印度教为支配地位的族裔民族主义。在土耳其，埃尔多安总统在采取行动声援阿塞拜疆、纳戈尔诺–卡拉巴赫和中亚的突厥语系民族的同时，已重新拾起奥斯曼帝国的历史故事。 |
| In Europe, too, Viktor Orban, the Hungarian prime minister, has promoted Hungarian identity and nationalism despite censure from Brussels. He has handed out Hungarian passports to ethnic Hungarians in Romania and other countries, who are allowed to vote in Hungary, giving him, so far, an electoral edge. But Mr. Orban faces parliamentary elections next month, and his long, close relations with Mr. Putin have hurt him politically, even as he has moved quickly to support European Union sanctions on Russia and welcome Ukrainian refugees. |
| 在欧洲，匈牙利总理欧尔班也一直在宣扬匈牙利的身份认同和民族主义，尽管有来自欧盟的谴责。他已向罗马尼亚和其他国家的匈牙利族人发放了匈牙利护照，允许这些人在匈牙利投票，到目前为止，这种做法给他带来一些选举优势。但欧尔班下月将面临议会选举，他与普京的长期密切关系已在政治上对他造成伤害，尽管他已经迅速转向支持欧盟对俄罗斯的制裁，欢迎乌克兰难民。 |
| Mr. Putin’s ethno-nationalist war has not gone particularly well, apparently to his surprise, unfolding as a bloody slog rather than a swift triumph. Casting it as a civilizational war creates all kinds of difficulties for Russian invaders — after all, if Russians and Ukrainians are one people, as Mr. Putin insists, they are firing on their brothers and sisters. |
| 普京的这场族裔民族主义战争进行得并不顺利，这显然出乎他的意料。战争正在转向漫长而艰难的流血战，而不是一个速战速决的胜利。将这场战争描述为一场不同文明的战争已给俄罗斯入侵者制造了各种各样的困难，毕竟，如果像普京坚称的那样，俄罗斯人和乌克兰人属于同一个民族，他们是在向自己的兄弟姐妹开火。 |
| “It’s not easy for those kids to kill Ukrainians, who share the language and look like them,” Mr. Krastev said. “It was easier with the Chechens,’’ the non-Slavic people of the Caucasus whom Russia has been fighting since Catherine the Great. |
| “对这些俄罗斯年轻士兵来说，杀死乌克兰人不是一件容易的事情，因为他们与乌克兰人有共同的语言和相像的面孔，”克勒斯特夫说。“与车臣人打仗更容易”。车臣人属于非斯拉夫民族，自叶卡捷琳娜大帝以来，俄罗斯一直在与这些高加索地区的人打来打去。 |
| Mr. Putin’s great disappointment, said Mr. Krastev, was to discover that Russian speakers in Ukraine fought his forces. Even his favorite Ukrainian oligarchs, like Rinat Akhmetov and Dmytro Firtash, “have suddenly discovered Ukrainian-ness.” |
| 克勒斯特夫说，让普京非常失望的是，他发现乌克兰说俄语的人也在抗击他的部队。就连他最喜欢的乌克兰大亨——比如里纳特·艾哈迈托夫和德米特里·菲尔塔什——“也突然发现了他们自己的乌克兰国民性”。 |
| Mr. Putin has also worked to build a more militaristic society, based on Russia’s pride in its defeat of Nazi Germany in what is called “The Great Patriotic War.” But now Ukraine, which also fought and suffered under the Nazis, is using the same tropes against the invading Russians. For Ukraine, Mr. Krastev said, “this is their Great Patriotic War.” |
| 普京也想在俄罗斯称之为“伟大的卫国战争”中打败纳粹德国的自豪感基础上努力建设一个更军国主义的社会。但曾在反法西斯战争中与俄罗斯并肩战斗、一起受苦的乌克兰，如今也在用同样的语言来描述抵抗俄罗斯入侵的战斗。克勒斯特夫说，对乌克兰来说，“这是他们的伟大的卫国战争。” |
| Mr. Putin has done more to build Ukrainian nationhood than anyone in the West could have done, Mr. Krastev said. “Putin wanted to be the father of a new Russian nation, but he is the father of a new Ukrainian nation instead.” |
| 普京在建立乌克兰人民族意识上所做的超过了任何一个西方人，克勒斯特夫说。“普京想成为一个新俄罗斯民族之父，但他却成了一个新乌克兰民族之父。” |
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