武装乌克兰:17000件反坦克武器和一个秘密网络部队_OK阅读网
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武装乌克兰:17000件反坦克武器和一个秘密网络部队
Arming Ukraine: 17,000 Anti-Tank Weapons in 6 Days and a Clandestine Cybercorps

来源:纽约时报    2022-03-07 06:09



        On a snowy tarmac at Amari Air Base in northern Estonia on Sunday morning, pallets of rifles, ammunition and other weapons were being loaded onto one of the largest cargo planes in the world, an Antonov AN-124, belonging to the Ukrainian air force. It is an artifact of the Cold War, built and purchased when Ukraine was still part of the Soviet Union.
        周日早上,在爱沙尼亚北部阿马里空军基地的一片白雪覆盖的停机坪上,成批的步枪、弹药和其他武器正被装载到一架属于乌克兰空军的安东诺夫AN-124运输机上。这是世界上最大的运输机之一,也是在乌克兰还是苏联加盟国时制造和购买的冷战时期产物。
        Now it is being turned back against the Russian invasion of Ukraine, part of a vast airlift that American and European officials describe as a desperate race against time, to get tons of arms into the hands of Ukrainian forces while their supply routes are still open. Scenes like this, reminiscent of the Berlin airlift — the famed race by the Western allies to keep West Berlin supplied with essentials in 1948 and 1949 as the Soviet Union sought to choke it off — are playing out across Europe.
        现在它反过来被用于抵抗俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,是美国和欧洲官员描述的与时间赛跑的大规模空运的一部分,目的是在乌克兰军队的补给线仍然开放的情况下将大量武器交到乌克兰军队手中。像这样的场景让人想起在整个欧洲进行的柏林空运——西方盟国在1948年和1949年为西柏林提供必需品而闻名的运输竞赛,当时苏联试图将其扼杀。
        In less than a week, the United States and NATO have pushed more than 17,000 antitank weapons, including Javelin missiles, over the borders of Poland and Romania, unloading them from giant military cargo planes so they can make the trip by land to Kyiv, the Ukrainian capital, and other major cities. So far, Russian forces have been so preoccupied in other parts of the country that they have not targeted the arms supply lines, but few think that can last.
        在不到一周的时间里,美国和北约已经将包括标枪导弹在内的1.7万多件反坦克武器运送到了波兰和罗马尼亚的边境,将它们从巨型军用货机上卸下,以便他们能够通过陆路前往乌克兰首都基辅和其他主要城市。到目前为止,俄罗斯军队一直专注于该国其他地区,以至于他们没有将武器供应线作为目标,但人们认为这种情况不会长久。
        But those are only the most visible contributions. Hidden away on bases around Eastern Europe, forces from United States Cyber Command known as “cybermission teams” are in place to interfere with Russia’s digital attacks and communications — but measuring their success rate is difficult, officials say.
        但这只是一些最容易看到的贡献。被称为“网络任务小组”的美国网络司令部的部队已就绪,隐藏在东欧周围基地以干扰俄罗斯的网络攻击和通信,但官员们表示他们的成功率很难估算。
        In Washington and Germany, intelligence officials race to merge satellite photographs with electronic intercepts of Russian military units, strip them of hints of how they were gathered, and beam them to Ukrainian military units within an hour or two. As he tries to stay out of the hands of Russian forces in Kyiv, President Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine travels with encrypted communications equipment, provided by the Americans, that can put him into a secure call with President Biden. Mr. Zelensky used it Saturday night for a 35-minute call with his American counterpart on what more the U.S. can do in its effort to keep Ukraine alive without entering into direct combat on the ground, in the air or in cyberspace with Russian forces.
        在华盛顿和德国,情报官员奋力将卫星照片与对俄罗斯军事单位的电子截获信息结合起来,擦除它们收集途径的线索,并在一两个小时内将它们传送给乌克兰军事单位。乌克兰总统泽连斯基试图远离已进入基辅的俄罗斯军队的控制,他带着美国人提供的加密通信设备出行,这使他得以与拜登总统进行安全通话。泽连斯基周六晚上用该设备与拜登进行了35分钟的通话,讨论美国在不与俄罗斯军队直接在地面、空中或网络空间交战的情况下,还能做些什么来维持乌克兰的生存。
        Mr. Zelensky welcomed the help so far, but repeated the criticism that he has made in public — that the aid was wildly insufficient to the task ahead. He asked for a no-fly zone over Ukraine, a shutdown of all Russian energy exports and a fresh supply of fighter jets.
        泽连斯基对迄今为止的帮助表示欢迎,但重复了他公开发表的批评——援助远远不足以完成未来的任务。他要求在乌克兰设立禁飞区,禁止所有俄罗斯能源出口,并提供新的战斗机。
        It is a delicate balance. On Saturday, while Mr. Biden was in Wilmington, Del., his National Security Council staff spent much of the day trying to find a way for Poland to transfer to Ukraine a fleet of well-used, Soviet-made MIG-29 fighter jets that Ukrainian pilots know how to fly. But the deal is contingent on giving Poland, in return, far more capable, American-made F-16s, an operation made more complicated by the fact that many of those fighters are promised to Taiwan — where the United States has greater strategic interests.
        这是一个微妙的平衡。周六拜登在特拉华州威尔明顿时,他的国家安全委员会工作人员花了几乎一整天的时间想办法,要让波兰将一批使用多年的苏制米格-29战斗机转移到乌克兰,乌克兰飞行员知道如何驾驶这种战斗机。但这笔交易的条件是,作为回报,波兰将获得性能更强的美制F-16战隼战斗机,令这一行动更加复杂的是,其中许多飞机本来是承诺交给台湾的——美国在那里有更多的战略利益。
        Polish leaders have said there is no deal, and are clearly concerned about how they would provide the fighters to Ukraine and whether doing so would make them a new target of the Russians. The United States says it is open to the idea of the plane swap.
        波兰领导人表示没有达成协议,并且显然担心他们将如何向乌克兰提供战斗机,以及这样做是否会使他们成为俄罗斯的新目标。美国表示对飞机互换的想法持开放态度。
        “I can’t speak to a timeline, but I can just tell you that we’re looking at it very, very actively,” Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken said on Sunday, during a trip that has taken him to Moldova, another non-NATO country that American officials fear may be next on Russian President Vladimir V. Putin’s hit list of nations to bring back into Moscow’s sphere of influence.
        “我无法给出一个时间表,但我可以告诉你,我们正在非常、非常积极地研究它,”国务卿布林肯周日说,他正在出访摩尔多瓦等国。美国官员也担心,非北约成员的摩尔多瓦可能会成为下一个俄罗斯总统普京想带回莫斯科势力范围的国家。
        And in downtown Washington, lobbying groups and law firms that once charged the Ukrainian government handsomely for their services are now working for free, helping Mr. Zelensky’s embattled government plead for more sanctions on Russia.
        在华盛顿市中心,曾经向乌克兰政府收取丰厚服务费用的游说团体和律师事务所现在分文不取,帮助四面楚歌的泽连斯基政府请求对俄罗斯实施更多制裁。
        The Ukrainians are also asking for more money for weapons, though they reject the idea that Washington is manipulating Mr. Zelensky’s image to present him as Churchill in a T-shirt, rallying his country to war. Covington & Burling, a major law firm, filed a motion pro bono on behalf of Ukraine in the International Court of Justice.
        乌克兰人也在要求得到更多的钱购买武器,尽管他们拒绝接受一个观点,即华盛顿正在操纵泽连斯基的形象,将他描绘成穿着T恤的丘吉尔,号召他的国家参战。大型律师事务所科文顿-柏灵无偿代表乌克兰向国际法院提出了一项动议。
        It is, in many ways, a more complex effort than the Berlin airlift three-quarters of a century ago. West Berlin was a small territory with direct air access. Ukraine is a sprawling country of 44 million from which Mr. Biden has pulled all American forces in an effort to avoid becoming a “co-combatant” in the war, a legal term that governs how far the United States can go in helping Ukraine without being considered in direct conflict with a nuclear-armed Russia.
        在许多方面,这比四分之三个世纪前的柏林空运更为复杂。西柏林是一个有空中直达通道的较小领土。乌克兰是一个有4400万人口的庞大国家,拜登已将所有美国军队撤离该国,以避免成为战争中的“共同参战方”,这是一个法律术语,规定了美国能够在多大程度上帮助乌克兰,同时不被当成是在与拥有核武器的俄罗斯发生直接冲突。
        But as the weapons flow in and if efforts to interfere in Russian communications and computer networks escalate, some U.S. national security officials say they have a foreboding that such conflict is increasingly likely. The American legal definitions of what constitutes entering the war are not Mr. Putin’s definitions, one senior American national security official warned over the weekend, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the American overt and covert efforts to aid Ukraine.
        但随着武器流入,以及如果干预俄罗斯通信和计算机网络的措施升级,一些美国国家安全官员表示,他们预感发生这种冲突的可能性越来越大。一位美国高级国家安全官员周末警告称,美国对参战构成的法律定义和普京的定义不同。由于美国对乌克兰公开和秘密援助的敏感性,这位官员不愿透露姓名。
        Mr. Putin warned on Saturday that any nation that attempted to impose a no-fly zone over Ukraine would be “participating in the armed conflict.” On Sunday the Russian ministry of defense issued a statement warning NATO countries like Romania against allowing their bases to be used as a safe haven for the remaining planes in the Ukrainian air force. If they do so, it said, any “subsequent use against the Russian armed forces can be regarded as the involvement of these states in an armed conflict.”
        普京周六警告说,任何试图在乌克兰上空设立禁飞区的国家都将是在“参与武装冲突”。周日,俄罗斯国防部发表声明,警告罗马尼亚等北约国家不要将其基地用作乌克兰空军剩余飞机的避风港。它说,如果他们这样做,“针对俄罗斯军队的任何后续使用都可以被视为这些国家在武装冲突中的参与。”
        Two decades ago this month, as American forces began to flow into Iraq, Gen. David H. Petraeus famously asked, “Tell me how this ends.” In the case of Ukraine, a senior American official said, the question resonating around the White House is more like: “Tell me how we don’t get sucked in to a superpower conflict.”
        20年前的这个月,当美军开始涌入伊拉克时,大卫·H·彼得雷乌斯将军提出了一个著名的问题:“告诉我这将如何结束。”就乌克兰而言,一位美国高级官员表示,在白宫回响的问题更像是:“告诉我,我们如何不被卷入超级大国的冲突中。”
        A Flow of Arms Becomes a Torrent
        武器的细流变成洪流
        To understand the warp-speed nature of the arms transfers underway now, consider this: A $60 million arms package to Ukraine that the U.S. announced last August was not completed until November, the Pentagon said.
        五角大楼表示,要了解目前正在进行的武器转让有多么迅速,可以参考以下情况:美国去年8月宣布的对乌克兰的6000万美元武器计划直到11月才完成。
        But when the president approved $350 million in military aid on Feb. 26 — nearly six times larger — 70 percent of it was delivered in five days. The speed was considered essential, officials said, because the equipment — including anti-tank weapons — had to make it through western Ukraine before Russian air and ground forces started attacking the shipments. As Russia takes more territory inside the country, it is expected to become more and more difficult to distribute weapons to Ukrainian troops.
        但当总统在2月26日批准3.5亿美元的军事援助时——几乎是前者的六倍——其中70%是在五天内交付的。官员们说,速度被认为至关重要,因为包括反坦克武器在内的装备必须在俄罗斯空军和地面部队开始攻击运输线路之前通过乌克兰西部。随着俄罗斯在该国境内占据更多领土,预计向乌克兰军队派发武器将变得越来越困难。
        Within 48 hours of Mr. Biden approving the transfer of weapons from U.S. military stockpiles on Feb. 26, the first shipments, largely from Germany, were arriving at airfields near Ukraine’s border, officials said.
        官员们表示,在2月26日拜登批准从美国军事储备中转移武器后不到48小时的时间里,首批武器——主要途径德国——就抵达了乌克兰边境附近的机场。
        The military was able to push those shipments forward quickly by tapping into pre-positioned military stockpiles ready to roll onto Air Force C-17 transport planes and other cargo aircraft, and flying them to about half a dozen staging bases in neighboring countries, chiefly in Poland and Romania.
        军方之所以能够迅速推进武器运送,是启用了预先部署的军事储备,这些物资可以随时装入空军C-17运输机和其他运输机,然后飞至乌克兰邻国的几个集散基地,这些基地主要都位于波兰和罗马尼亚。
        Still, the resupply effort faces stiff logistical and operational challenges.
        尽管如此,再补给工作仍然面临严峻的后勤和执行挑战。
        “The window for doing easy stuff to help the Ukrainians has closed,” said Maj. Gen. Michael S. Repass, a former commander of U.S. Special Operations forces in Europe.
        “做点小事就能帮助乌克兰人的时机已经过去了,”曾在美国驻欧洲特种部队担任指挥官的迈克尔·S·雷帕斯少将说道。
        U.S. officials say Ukrainian leaders have told them that American and other allied weaponry is making a difference on the battlefield. Ukrainian soldiers armed with shoulder-fired Javelin anti-tank missiles have several times in the past week attacked a mileslong convoy of Russian armor and supply trucks, helping stall the Russian ground advance as it bears down on Kyiv, Pentagon officials said. Some of the vehicles are being abandoned, officials said, because Russian troops fear sitting in the convoy when fuel-supply tanks are being targeted by the Ukrainians, setting off fireballs.
        美国官员称,乌克兰领导人告诉他们,美国和其他盟国提供的武器正在改变战局。五角大楼官员表示,过去一周,配备肩射式标枪反坦克导弹的乌克兰士兵曾多次攻击由俄罗斯装甲车和补给卡车组成的大型车队,在俄军逼近基辅时阻止了其地面推进。官员们表示,一些车辆被遗弃,因为俄军担心车队中的燃料补给罐成为乌克兰人的攻击目标,从而引发爆炸。
        The convoy has also come under attack several times at different places along the column from another weapon supplied by a NATO member state. Armed Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones, which the Ukrainian military used for the first time in combat against Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine last October, are now hunting Russian tanks and other vehicles, U.S. officials said.
        俄军车队还在行进沿线多个地点遭遇一个北约成员国提供的另一种武器的数次攻击。美国官员表示,土耳其拜卡“旗手”TB2武装无人机正在追击俄罗斯坦克和其他车辆,乌克兰军方在去年10月首次使用了这种无人机打击俄罗斯支持的分离主义分子。
        “All of us have been tremendously impressed by how effectively the Ukrainian armed forces have been using the equipment that we’ve provided them,” Laura Cooper, the Pentagon’s top Russia policy official, said. “Kremlin watchers have also been surprised by this, and how they have slowed the Russian advance and performed extremely well on the battlefield.”
        “乌克兰武装部队极其高效地利用了我们提供的装备,这给所有人都留下了深刻印象,”五角大楼的俄罗斯政策高级官员劳拉·库珀表示。“这些装备成功延缓了俄军的推进,并在战场上表现出色,让克里姆林宫的观察者也感到十分惊讶。”
        Even the elements have sided with the Ukrainian military in the war’s early days. Bad weather in northern Ukraine has grounded some Russian attack planes and helicopters, a senior Pentagon official said. Many Russian vehicles that have driven off the main roads to avoid the stalled convoy have gotten stuck in the mud, making them more vulnerable to attack, officials said.
        在战争初期,连天时地利都站到了乌克兰军队这一边。五角大楼一名高级官员表示,乌克兰北部的恶劣天气导致一些俄罗斯歼击机和直升机停飞。官员们称,为了避开被困的车队,许多俄军车辆都驶离主路,结果却陷进泥地,这使得它们更容易受到攻击。
        But the U.S. intelligence also has its limits. Mr. Biden’s ground rules forbid flying surveillance aircraft over Ukraine, so they have to peer in over the border, much as surveillance is often conducted over North Korea. There is reliance on new, small satellites — providing images similar to those that commercial firms like Maxar and Planet Labs are providing.
        但美国的情报也有其局限性。拜登的基本原则是禁止侦察机在乌克兰上空飞行,因此这些侦察机必须像在朝鲜一样,要在乌克兰边境外进行监视。新的小型卫星也派上了用场,它们提供的图像与Maxar和行星实验室等商业公司提供的类似。
        A War in Cyberspace That Has Barely Begun
        刚打响的网络战
        One of the odd features of the conflict so far is that it runs the gamut of old and modern warfare. The trenches dug by Ukrainian soldiers in the south and east look like scenes from 1914. The Russian tanks rolling through the cities evoke Budapest in 1956. But the battle of the present day that most strategists expected to mark the opening days of the war — over computer networks and the power grids and communications systems they control — has barely begun.
        从目前来看,这场冲突的一个奇怪特征是,它涉及到了古代和现代战争的一切范畴。士兵们在乌克兰南部和东部挖掘的战壕看起来就像1914年的场景。而大多数战略分析师所预测的在战争之初就将上演的现代战争——即计算机网络及其控制的电网和通信系统的争夺战——才刚刚开始。
        American officials say that is partly because of extensive work done to harden Ukraine’s networks after Russian attacks on its electric grid in 2015 and 2016. But experts say that cannot explain it all. Perhaps the Russians did not try very hard at the outset, or are holding their assets in reserve. Perhaps an American-led counteroffensive — part of what Gen. Paul M. Nakasone, the head of Cyber Command and the National Security Agency, calls a doctrine of “persistent engagement” in global networks — explains at least some of the absence.
        美国官员表示,部分原因是俄罗斯在2015年和2016年攻击乌克兰电网后,乌克兰为加强网络安全做了大量努力。但专家认为,这并不是唯一的原因。也许俄罗斯在战争初始阶段没有对此投入太多,或是还在留后手。也许美国主导的反击——这符合美国网络司令部及国家安全局负责人保罗·M·仲宗根上将所谓的“坚持参与”全球网络原则——至少能在一定程度上解释网络战的缺席。
        Government officials are understandably tight-lipped, saying the cyberoperations underway, which have been moved in recent days from an operations center in Kyiv to one outside the country, are some of the most classified elements of the conflict. But it is clear that the cybermission teams have tracked some familiar targets, including the activities of the G.R.U., Russia’s military intelligence operations, to try to neutralize their activity. Microsoft has helped, turning out patches in hours to kill off malware it detects in unclassified systems.
        政府官员的守口如瓶可以理解,他们都说正在进行的网络行动是这场冲突中最为机密的部分。最近几天,这些行动已从基辅转移到了乌克兰之外的作战中心。但这些网络作战小组显然已经追踪了一些熟悉的目标,包括俄罗斯军事情报部门格鲁乌的活动,试图对其进行压制。微软也提供了帮助,在几小时内就推出了补丁,以清除它在非机密系统中检测到的恶意软件。
        All of this is new territory when it comes to the question of whether the United States is a “co-combatant.” By the American interpretation of the laws of cyberconflict, the United States can temporarily interrupt Russian capability without conducting an act of war; permanent disablement is more problematic. But as experts acknowledge, when a Russian system goes down, the Russian units don’t know whether it is temporary or permanent, or even whether the United States is responsible.
        在美国是否算“共同参战方”的问题上,一切都属于未曾涉足的领域。根据美国对网络冲突相关法律的解释,美国可以在不宣战的情况下暂时性地切断俄罗斯的网络能力;永久性废除其能力就有待商榷了。但正如专家们所承认的那样,如果俄罗斯的系统出现故障,俄罗斯部队不会知道那是暂时还是永久的,甚至都不会知道美国是否负有责任。
        Similarly, sharing intelligence is perilous. American officials are convinced that Ukraine’s military and intelligence agencies are populated with Russian spies, so they are being careful not to distribute raw intelligence that would reveal sources. And they say they are not passing on specific intelligence that would tell Ukrainian forces how to go after specific targets. The concern is that doing so would give Russia an excuse to say it is fighting the United States or NATO, not Ukraine.
        同样,分享情报也是危险的。美国官员认为,乌克兰军方和情报机构中有很多俄罗斯间谍,因此他们都小心翼翼地避免泄露可能暴露来源的原始情报。他们也表示,不会向乌克兰军队传递如何打击特定目标的具体情报。他们担心的是,这样做会给俄罗斯一个借口,说自己的对手不是乌克兰,而是美国或北约。
        The Lobbyists Fight, Too
        说客也交手
        Ukraine has been receiving lobbying, public relations and legal assistance free of charge — and it is paying off. Mr. Zelensky held a Zoom call with members of Congress on Saturday, pushing for tougher sanctions on Russia and urging specific types of arms and other support.
        乌克兰一直在接受免费的游说、公关和法律援助,而且正在取得成效。周六,泽连斯基与美国国会议员举行了Zoom会议,推动对俄实施更严厉的制裁,并敦促美国提供特定类型的武器和其他支持。
        An ad hoc team includes Andrew Mac, an American lawyer who has been volunteering as a lobbyist and nonstaff adviser to Mr. Zelensky since late 2019, and Daniel Vajdich, a lobbyist who had been paid by the Ukrainian energy industry and a civil society nonprofit group, but is now working for free. But American lobbyists are a sensitive topic in Ukraine, after Paul Manafort, later President Trump’s campaign chairman, worked for a pro-Russian president who was ousted in 2014, and after Mr. Trump tried to make military aid to Kyiv dependent on its willingness to help find dirt on then-candidate Biden and his son, Hunter.
        临时成立的专门小组包括安德鲁·麦克,他是一名美国律师,自2019年底以来一直志愿担任泽连斯基的说客和非正式顾问;以及说客丹尼尔·瓦迪奇,他曾得到乌克兰能源行业和一家民间非营利组织的资助,但现在是免费出力。然而,美国说客在乌克兰是个敏感话题,因为后来担任特朗普总统竞选主席的保罗·马纳福特曾为2014年被赶下台的亲俄总统工作;也因为特朗普曾提出对乌克兰进行军事援助,只要乌克兰愿意帮他找到当时的总统候选人拜登及其子亨特的污点。
        Mr. Vajdich said he hoped his clients would redirect any funds they would have paid his firm to military defenses and humanitarian aid for Ukrainians forced from their homes by the fighting, drawing a comparison to early Nazi military aggression.
        瓦迪奇表示,希望他的客户能将原本要支付给他公司的所有资金都转用于军事防御和人道主义援助,帮助那些因为打仗而被迫离开家园的乌克兰人,他将目前的局势比做纳粹早期的军事侵略。
        “Knowing what we know today, if we were living and operating in 1937 to ’39, would we have asked the Czechoslovaks for compensation to lobby against Neville Chamberlain and his policies?” he asked, referring to the British prime minister who ceded part of Czechoslovakia to Nazi Germany in the Munich Agreement of 1938.
        “就我们今天所知的情况,如果我们生活在1937年到1939年间,我们会要求捷克斯洛伐克人提供报酬,再为他们游说反对内维尔·张伯伦和他的政策吗?”他质问道。他指的是这位英国首相在1938年的《慕尼黑协定》中将捷克斯洛伐克的一部分地区割让给纳粹德国一事。
        “No,” he said, “certainly not.”
        “不,”他说,“当然不会。”
        
        
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