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| One of the paradoxical things about Vladimir V. Putin’s increasingly authoritarian rule of Russia was how relatively open society always remained. | 普京对俄罗斯日益专制的统治中有一个矛盾之处，那就是俄罗斯社会始终保持着相对开放的状态。 |
| For all the state’s control of media, people could read or watch what they wanted, including foreign newscasts like BBC and CNN. The internet was largely unfettered, a portal to the rest of the world. Unlike, say, China, you could criticize the president with some assurance that the police would not knock at the door. | 尽管国家控制着媒体，但人们可以阅读或观看他们想看的内容，包括BBC和CNN等外国新闻节目。互联网在很大程度上不受限制，是通向世界其他地区的门户。与中国不同的是，你可以批评总统，一般不用担心警察找上门来。 |
| Until now. | 现在已经不是这样。 |
| As the war in Ukraine grinds on, Mr. Putin has strangled the vestiges of a free press to justify an invasion that has been almost universally condemned — and with that moved closer to the stultifying orthodoxy of the Soviet Union. The result will be to isolate the country, as Mr. Putin has isolated himself, leaving it with a one-sided view of the world no longer subject to debate. | 随着乌克兰战争的继续，普京扼杀了残余的媒体自由，为几乎受到普遍谴责的入侵行为进行辩护——并因此更接近苏联的僵化正统观念。其结果将是孤立这个国家，就像普京孤立自己一样，使俄罗斯对世界的看法变得片面，不再有辩论的空间。 |
| Two of the remaining flagships of the country’s own independent media — Ekho Moskvy, the liberal radio station, and TV Dozhd, or Rain, a digital upstart — went off the air last week, hounded by the authorities for reporting accurately on Ukraine. Access to Facebook, Twitter and TikTok, platforms pulsing with opposition to Mr. Putin’s war, has been blocked, as have other online sites in Russia. | 俄罗斯独立媒体中剩下的两家旗舰——自由主义的莫斯科回声电台(Ekho Moskvy)和数字化媒体新贵“雨”(TV Dozhd)——上周停播了，它们因准确报道乌克兰问题而受到当局围捕。与俄罗斯的其他网站一样，Facebook、Twitter和TikTok等反对普京发动战争的平台也被屏蔽，俄罗斯的类似在线网站也是如此。 |
| Many foreign news organizations have withdrawn correspondents or stopped reporting in Russia after Mr. Putin on Friday signed into law a measure to punish anyone spreading “false information” with up to 15 years in prison. | 普京上周五签署了一项法律，惩罚任何传播“虚假信息”的人，最高可判处15年监禁，随后许多外国新闻机构撤回了驻俄罗斯的记者，或停止了报道。 |
| “Just two weeks ago it was not possible to imagine how quickly most of it would get closed,” said Nina L. Khrushcheva, a professor of international affairs at the New School in New York City and the great-granddaughter of the Soviet leader Nikita S. Khrushchev. “And yet it is.” | “就在两周前，人们还无法想象大部分设施会以这样的速度关闭，”纽约市新学院国际事务教授、苏联领导人赫鲁晓夫的曾孙女尼娜·L·赫鲁晓娃说。“可事情的确如此。” |
| Beyond the immediate impact on Russians’ ability to learn about the war next door, Mr. Putin seems to have crossed a threshold in the country’s history. He is sequestering Russian society to a greater extent than at any time since the last Soviet leader, Mikhail S. Gorbachev, launched a policy in 1986 called glasnost, which became known as “openness” but more precisely means “the act of giving voice.” | 除了对俄罗斯人了解邻国战争的能力产生直接影响外，普京似乎还跨越了该国历史上的一个门槛。自前苏联领导人米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫于1986年推出一项名为“glasnost”的政策以来，普京使俄罗斯社会的封闭达到了前所未有的程度。“glasnost”后来被称为“开放”，但其更准确的意思是“发出声音的行为”。 |
| Access to foreign news reporting and independent voices on social media have challenged the Kremlin’s monopoly on state media — as Mr. Gorbachev’s effort broke the Soviet monopoly on truth. Independent outlets have, at great risk to reporters’ personal safety, uncovered abuses during Russia’s war in Chechnya, repression of political and human rights, and the extraordinary wealth of people close to Mr. Putin — all taboo subjects in state media. | 在社交媒体上获得外国新闻报道和独立声音的机会挑战了克里姆林宫对国家媒体的垄断——正如戈尔巴乔夫的努力打破了苏联对真相的垄断。独立媒体冒着记者人身安全的巨大风险，揭露了俄罗斯在车臣战争期间的暴行、对政治和人权的镇压，以及与普京关系密切者的巨额财富——这些对于国家媒体来说都是禁忌的话题。 |
| The impact of silencing them could be much broader and last much longer than the war, pushing the country from authoritarian rule to something worse. | 压制它们的影响力的行动可能比战争更广泛，持续的时间也长得多，会将这个国家从威权统治推向更糟糕的境地。 |
| “Putin is trying to turn Russia back into a totalitarian dictatorship of the pre-Gorbachev days,” said Michael McFaul, the former American ambassador to Russia who is director of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. “He will eventually fail, but he will do great damage to Russian society in trying.” | “普京试图把俄罗斯变回戈尔巴乔夫之前的集权独裁政权，”前美国驻俄罗斯大使、斯坦福大学弗里曼·斯波格里国际问题研究所所长迈克尔·麦克福尔说。“他最终会失败，但他的尝试将对俄罗斯社会造成巨大损害。” |
| The Kremlin’s propaganda and restrictions have already disconnected ordinary Russians from the horrific violence ravaging cities across Ukraine — even those with relatives on the ground telling them otherwise. They have covered up the Russian military’s difficulties, as well as the human costs to Ukrainians that Mr. Putin claims to be defending. | 克里姆林宫的宣传和限制已将普通俄罗斯人与蹂躏乌克兰各地的可怕暴力隔绝开来——即使是那些在乌克兰当地有亲戚、可以向他们通报情况的人们也是如此。这些宣传掩盖了俄罗斯军方面对的困难，以及普京声称在维护的乌克兰人付出的生命代价。 |
| Those who watch Russian television instead see the country’s troops taking part in a largely bloodless “special military operation,” to protect Ukrainian civilians from a neo-Nazi government. In this alternate reality, Russian troops are distributing aid to civilians or helping evacuate them to safety; Ukrainians are fabricating reports about Russian military setbacks — or even shelling their own cities. | 看俄罗斯电视的人所看到的是，俄罗斯军队参加了一场基本上不流血的“特别军事行动”，目的是保护乌克兰平民不受新纳粹政府的伤害。在这种另类现实中，俄罗斯军队正在向平民分发援助，或帮助他们撤离到安全地带；乌克兰人编造有关俄罗斯军事挫折的报道，甚至炮轰他们自己的城市。 |
| The result has been to create a blinkered view of the war that few dare pierce. Not a single deputy in the State Duma, the lower house of Parliament, voted against the bill criminalizing “fake news.” | 结果是，人们对战争产生了一种偏见，很少有人敢于戳穿。在国家杜马（议会下院），没有一名议员投票反对将“假新闻”定为犯罪的法案。 |
| “There is less and less access to accurate information from the West amid the relentless pounding from increasingly hysterical state propaganda, which admittedly, is having its effect,” said Sergey Radchenko, a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Europe. | “在日益歇斯底里的国家宣传的无情冲击之下，从西方获得准确信息的机会越来越少，不可否认，这些宣传正在发挥作用，”约翰斯·霍普金斯大学欧洲高级国际研究学院教授谢尔盖·拉琴科说， |
| Mr. Putin was a lieutenant colonel in the K.G.B., serving in the former East Germany, when glasnost was introduced. He later said that he, too, recognized the need for the Soviet Union to become more open. Only up to a point, though. | 当开放政策被引入时，普京还是在前东德服役的一名克格勃中校。他后来说，他也认识到苏联需要变得更加开放。不过，只是到一定程度。 |
| From the start of his presidency in 2000, he understood that the media — especially television — had the power not only to shape his political image but also to help him govern. He moved quickly to regain control of the main television networks from two oligarchs, Vladimir A. Gusinsky and Boris A. Berezovsky, who championed agendas not always in line with the Kremlin. | 从2000年就任总统开始，他就明白媒体——尤其是电视——不仅能塑造他的政治形象，还能帮助他治理国家。他迅速采取行动，从两名寡头弗拉基米尔·A·古斯基和鲍里斯·A·别列佐夫斯基手中夺回了对主要电视网络的控制权，这两人支持的议程并不总是与克里姆林宫一致。 |
| In today’s digitally connected world, Mr. Putin could have a difficult time cutting off Russia entirely. Even in the Soviet Union, information flowed back and forth over borders. Virtual private networks, or VPNs, that allow people to evade internet restrictions by disguising which country they are logging in from, can help spread information the way samizdat, illegal copies of censored books or articles, circulated clandestinely in Soviet times. | 在当今这个数字互联的世界，普京可能很难完全切断俄罗斯的联系。即使在苏联，信息也是跨越国界来回流动的。虚拟专用网络(VPN)允许人们通过遮盖自己的所在国来逃避互联网限制，从而有助于传播信息，就像苏联时期秘密流传的遭审查书籍或文章的非法副本那样。 |
| “It will be difficult for the Russian government to block all outside information,” Jamie Fly, the chief executive of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the U.S.-financed network founded during the Cold War, said after the announcement that it, too, was ceasing operations inside Russia. “History shows that people will go to great lengths to seek out the truth.” | “俄罗斯政府很难封锁所有外部信息，”自由欧洲电台/自由电台首席执行官杰米·弗莱在该电台宣布也将停止在俄罗斯境内的业务后表示。该电台是一家冷战期间成立的电台，由美国资助。“历史表明，人们会不遗余力地寻求真理。” |
| Those who do so now will be a small minority. As Mr. Putin’s rule continues, critics fear he will take even stronger measures to maintain the Kremlin’s uncontested grip on power. | 这样做的人将会成为少数。随着普京的统治继续下去，批评人士担心他会采取更强硬的措施，以维持克里姆林宫对权力毫无竞争的掌控。 |
| “We have a long way to go before we get to 1937,” Mr. Radchenko said, evoking the year of Stalin’s Great Terror, “but for the first time the road is clear. You can see far ahead, like on a cold, crisp winter morning, and there, in the distance, you can just about make out the outlines of the guillotines.” | “距离回到1937年的状态还有很长一段路，”拉琴科说，他是指斯大林实施“大清洗”的那一年，“但道路第一次显得很清晰。你可以看到遥远的前方，就像在一个寒冷、清爽的冬日早晨，在那里，在远处，你几乎可以辨认出断头台的轮廓。” |
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