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| This article is part of the On Tech newsletter. Here is a collection of past columns. |
| 本文是On Tech电邮简报的一部分。点击查看过去的专栏文章。 |
| America’s policies toward technology from China don’t always seem coherent. |
| 针对来自中国的技术，美国的政策似乎缺乏连贯性。 |
| The Biden administration is trying to figure out what to do about apps from China, including TikTok, which is owned by the Chinese internet giant ByteDance. U.S. officials have worried for years that China’s government might turn the information collected by the social media site against Americans. |
| 拜登政府正试图想办法处理中国的应用程序，包括中国互联网巨头字节跳动旗下的TikTok。多年来，美国官员一直担心中国政府可能会利用社交媒体网站收集的信息来对付美国人。 |
| But the video game League of Legends — owned by China’s Tencent — is also popular in the U.S. The Chinese e-commerce app Shein is a hit with young Americans and collects information from their phones. Are those OK? |
| 但腾讯拥有的电子游戏《英雄联盟》在美国也很受欢迎。美国年轻人爱用中国电商应用软件希音(Shein)，它会从他们的手机中收集信息。这样做就没问题吗？ |
| The U.S. government has effectively banned smartphones from Chinese companies such as Huawei. But U.S. corporations are buying powerful computers called servers made by Chinese companies, and nearly all the smartphones that Americans buy are made in Chinese factories. Is that OK? |
| 美国政府已实际禁止了华为等中国的智能手机品牌。但美国公司正在购买由中国公司制造的强大计算机，即服务器。而美国人购买的几乎所有智能手机都是在中国工厂生产的。这样做也没问题吗？ |
| There’s a difference between a data-hogging app and a laptop put together on a Chinese assembly line. But because there is so much mistrust of China among the U.S. public and politicians, it can be difficult for Americans to distinguish legitimate national security or economic threats from the imagined ones. |
| 霸占数据的应用程序不同于在中国装配线上组装的笔记本电脑。但由于美国公众和政界人士对中国太不信任，美国人很难将真正的国家安全或经济威胁与想像中的那些区分开来。 |
| “The alarm about everything made in China is alarmist, and I would say delusional,” said Dr. Graham T. Allison, a professor of government at Harvard University. |
| 哈佛大学政治学教授格雷厄姆·艾利森博士说：“警惕中国制造的一切事物是夸大其词，我甚至觉得是妄想出来的。” |
| Dr. Allison told me that treating any technology connected to China as a major crisis may itself be a risk to U.S. safety and strength. He said the trick is for policymakers and Americans to prioritize and fight against the riskiest technologies from China while elevating America’s own. |
| 艾利森博士告诉我，将任何与中国相关的技术视为重大危机，这本身就可能对美国的安全和实力构成威胁。他说，关键在于政策制定者和美国人要考虑事情的优先级，在提升美国自有技术的同时，打击来自中国的最危险的技术。 |
| This is the challenge confronting Americans and our government: How should we approach a future in which important inventions won’t necessarily come from countries that share America’s values? |
| 这是美国人和我们的政府面临的挑战：在未来，重要发明将不一定来自与美国价值观相同的国家，我们应该如何应对这种情况？ |
| Americans until recently hadn’t had to think much about this question. For the past half century, most essential global technologies have come from the U.S., including computer chips, number-crunching databases, personal computer software and many popular apps like Google, Facebook and Amazon. |
| 直到最近，美国人才不得不考虑这个问题。在过去的半个世纪里，最重要的全球技术都来自美国，包括计算机芯片、数字运算数据库、个人计算机软件和许多流行的应用程序，如谷歌、Facebook和亚马逊。 |
| The future of technology, though, won’t be an American clean sweep. Chinese companies will likely play a big part in online entertainment, electric vehicle technology, green energy and computer chips. |
| 然而，科技的未来不会被美国包揽。中国公司可能会在网络娱乐、电动汽车技术、绿色能源和计算机芯片方面发挥重要作用。 |
| Trying to hold back these technologies from our shores may not be possible, and Americans could miss out on important innovations. |
| 试图阻止这些技术进入我们的地盘也许不太可能，而且美国人可能会错过重要的创新。 |
| Plus, if U.S. officials treat every Chinese app or software used by hotels as a national security threat, they might lose focus on the most serious tech risks from China — including relentless cyberattacks that steal information from U.S. companies and government agencies. |
| 此外，如果美国官员将酒店使用的每个中国应用程序或软件都视为国家安全威胁，他们可能会失去对来自中国的最严重技术风险的关注——包括从美国公司和政府机构窃取信息的无休止的网络攻击。 |
| My colleague David E. Sanger, a White House and national security correspondent, told me that U.S. policy toward Chinese technology can appear incoherent from the outside because sanctions against Chinese firms are often announced piecemeal and Biden administration officials haven’t yet detailed a broad philosophy behind their actions. |
| 我的同事、白宫和国家安全记者戴维·桑格告诉我，美国对中国技术的政策在外界看来可能缺乏连贯习惯，是因为对中国公司的制裁往往是零散宣布的，而且拜登政府官员尚未详细阐述他们行动背后的广泛理念。 |
| But David also said that it’s difficult for a single policy to encompass the U.S.’s multiple objectives for regulating Chinese technology: |
| 但戴维也表示，单一政策很难涵盖美国监管中国技术的多重目标： |
| • The U.S. is trying to boost homegrown technologies in essential areas like computer chips, artificial intelligence and quantum computing before China builds dominant industries of its own. |
| • 在计算机芯片、人工智能和量子计算等重要领域，美国正试图在中国建立自己的主导产业之前提升本土技术。 |
| • The U.S. also wants to protect its citizens’ personal information — which is the focus of its tactics toward TikTok. |
| • 美国还希望保护公民的个人信息——这是对TikTok的策略的重点。 |
| • And officials are concerned about Chinese companies such as Huawei or China Telecom controlling information across U.S. communications networks. |
| • 官员们担心华为或中国电信等中国公司控制美国通信网络中的信息。 |
| Dr. Allison said that it has been easier for the U.S. to be tough on Chinese tech and argue against that country’s protectionism of its domestic technology than to effectively invest in America’s own technology capabilities. He has proposed what he called a Million Talents Program to help promising foreign students stay in the U.S. and start tech companies. |
| 艾利森博士说，对美国来说，比起有效投资于美国自己的技术能力，对中国技术采取强硬态度、反对中国对本国技术的保护主义更为容易。他提出了他所谓的百万人才计划(Million Talents Program)，帮助有前途的外国学生留在美国并创办科技公司。 |
| The challenge for Americans and the government, then, is figuring out when to build walls against Chinese tech and when to allow competition. As technology becomes more global, the U.S. will need to play better offense by investing in America while not automatically fearing every technology coming from China. |
| 因此，美国人和政府面临的挑战是弄清楚何时筑墙对抗中国技术，何时允许竞争。随着技术变得更加全球化，美国需要采取更好的进攻方式，在投资于美国的同时，不要盲目担心每一种来自中国的技术。 |
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