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| WASHINGTON — As tensions between the United States and China escalate, a little-known federal agency is at the center of a debate in the Biden administration about how tough an approach to take when it comes to protecting American technology. | 华盛顿——随着美国与中国紧张关系升级，一个鲜为人知的联邦机构正处在拜登政府争论的核心，争论的问题是当涉及美国技术保护时，政府应采取什么样的强硬措施。 |
| The Bureau of Industry and Security, a division of the Commerce Department, wields significant power given its role in determining the types of technology that companies can export and that foreign businesses can have access to. | 美国商务部下属的工业和安全局(Bureau of Industry and Security)，因其在决定企业可以出口以及外国企业可以获得的技术类型上所起的作用，拥有很大的权力。 |
| In recent months, Washington lawmakers, lobbyists and other interested parties have been vying to influence how the agency, under the Biden administration, will approach a technology relationship with China that is both crucial for American industry and national security. | 近几个月来，华盛顿的立法者、说客和利益相关团体一直在争取对该机构在拜登政府领导下如何处理美中技术关系问题施加影响，这种关系对美国工业和国家安全都至关重要。 |
| China hawks, including a collection of national security experts, congressional Republicans and progressive Democrats, say that in the past, American industry has held too much sway over the bureau. They have been pressing the administration to select a leader for the agency who will take a more aggressive approach to regulating the technology that the United States exports, according to people familiar with the discussions. | 包括国家安全专家、国会的共和党人和进步派民主党人在内的对华鹰派人士表示，美国业界过去对该机构的影响过大。据知情人士透露，这些鹰派人士一直在向政府施压，要求选择一位在监管美国出口技术方面更有魄力的人来领导该机构。 |
| Their opponents, including some current and former Commerce Department employees, and many in industry and Washington think tanks, caution that putting a hard-liner at the helm could backfire and harm U.S. national security by starving American industry of revenue it needs to stay on the cutting edge of research and encouraging it to relocate offshore. | 与这些人持相左观点的包括一些现任和前任商务部雇员，以及许多行业人士和华盛顿智库的人，他们警告，任命一名强硬派掌管该机构可能会产生适得其反的后果，让美国行业得不到足够的收入维持研究前沿的地位，鼓励美国行业搬到海外，从而危害美国国家安全。 |
| “It’s a very complicated relationship between the economic and national security interest,” said Lindsay Gorman, a fellow for emerging technologies at the German Marshall Fund. “The fine line the Commerce Department has to walk is protecting against national security risks that may not be top of mind for the industry in the short run, without killing the golden goose.” | “经济利益和国家安全利益之间的关系非常复杂，”在德国马歇尔基金会(German Marshall Fund)研究新兴技术的学者林赛·戈尔曼(Lindsay Gorman)说。“商务部必须把握好分寸，既要提防短期内可能不是行业最关心的国家安全风险，又不要杀死产金蛋的鹅。” |
| The bureau’s powers became clear during the Trump administration, which wielded its authority aggressively, though somewhat erratically, using the agency to curb exports of advanced technology goods like semiconductors to the telecommunications company Huawei and other Chinese businesses. It weaponized the bureau’s so-called entity list, adding hundreds of Chinese companies to a list that blocks exports of American products to companies or organizations that pose a national security threat. | 工业和安全局的权力在特朗普政府时期得以彰显。特朗普政府积极行使该机构的权力（尽管有时变幻莫测），利用它来限制向电信设备公司华为和其他中国企业出口半导体等先进技术产品。特朗普政府把该局制定的所谓“实体名单”作为武器，将数百家中国企业列入了对美国国家安全构成威胁的公司或组织的名单，禁止向它们出口美国产品。 |
| But many of these regulations were enacted haphazardly and often did less to restrict Chinese access to American technology than the Trump administration intended. And at times, President Donald J. Trump offered Chinese companies concessions from these punishments to try to advance a trade deal with China, including offering a reprieve for the Chinese telecom company ZTE and licenses so companies could continue supplying goods to Huawei and Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation. | 但其中许多规定出台的时候缺乏规划，在限制中国获取美国技术上往往未达到特朗普政府的预期。有时，唐纳德·J·特朗普(Donald J. Trump)总统会通过让中国企业免受这些惩罚的做法，试图推动与中国达成贸易协议，比如同意取消对中国电信公司中兴的制裁，以及发放让企业可继续向华为和中芯国际供货的许可证。 |
| The Biden administration is still carrying out a review of its China policies and has not indicated how it plans to use the bureau’s powers. Its initial engagement with China got off to an acrimonious start last week at a meeting in Anchorage, and President Biden, in his first news conference on Thursday, emphasized investing heavily in new technologies to compete with Beijing. | 拜登政府仍在重新考虑对华政策，尚未表明打算如何使用工业和安全局的权力。在上周的安克雷奇会晤中，拜登政府与中国的首次接触是个充满敌意的开端。上周四，拜登总统在他的首次记者会上强调，为了与中国竞争，将大力投资新技术。 |
| “The future lies in who can, in fact, own the future as it relates to technology, quantum computing, a whole range of things, including in medical fields,” Mr. Biden said. | “未来取决于谁实际上能拥有未来，因为这涉及技术、量子计算等一系列领域，包括医学领域，”拜登说。 |
| “I see stiff competition with China,” he added. “They have an overall goal to become the leading country in the world, the wealthiest country in the world and the most powerful country in the world. That’s not going to happen on my watch because the United States are going to continue to grow and expand.” | “我看到了与中国的激烈竞争，”他还说。“他们的总体目标是成为世界一流国家，成为世界上最富有的国家和世界上最强大的国家。这不会在我任内发生，因为美国还在继续发展壮大。” |
| Last week, the Commerce Department said it had issued subpoenas to multiple Chinese technology companies asking them to provide more information on their activities, potentially presaging tighter restrictions on their use and transfer of American data. | 美国商务部上周表示，已向多家中国科技企业发出传票，要求它们提供更多有关其活动的信息，这可能预示着对它们使用和传输美国数据的限制会更加严格。 |
| U.S. officials will soon need to make difficult choices about specific policy actions. That includes how to use the Commerce Department’s powers, including whether to block more exports of American technology, whether to keep or scrap Mr. Trump’s tariffs on foreign metals, and how to set the standards for national security reviews of foreign investments. | 美国官员很快将需要在具体的政策行动上做出艰难的选择。这包括如何使用商务部的权力，包括是否阻止更多的美国技术出口，是否保留或取消特朗普对外国金属征收的关税，以及如何为外国投资的国家安全审查设定标准。 |
| The complication stems from China’s position as both the largest export market for many multinational companies, and America’s biggest acknowledged security threat. | 这种复杂性来自中国的地位：它既是许多跨国公司最大的出口市场，也是美国认为的最大安全威胁。 |
| China’s authoritarian leaders have proposed plans to expand their market share in emerging industries like semiconductors, artificial intelligence and quantum computing, while easing the country’s dependence on foreign energy and technology. And as Beijing’s economic influence and technological capacities grow, so will its military and geopolitical influence. | 中国的威权领导人提出了在半导体、人工智能和量子计算等新兴产业扩大市场份额的计划，同时减轻对外国能源和技术的依赖。随着中国的经济影响力和科技能力的增长，其军事和地缘政治影响力也将增强。 |
| “China is the only country with the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to seriously challenge the stable and open international system — all the rules, values, and relationships that make the world work the way we want it to,” Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken said this month in his first major address, in which he called the U.S. relationship with China “the biggest geopolitical test of the 21st century.” | 国务卿安东尼·J·布林肯(Antony J. Blinken)本月在他的首次重要讲话中说，“中国是唯一拥有经济、外交、军事和科技实力，对稳定和开放的国际体系——所有那些我们希望世界以这种方式运行的规则、价值观和关系构成重大挑战的国家。”他在讲话中把美中关系称为“21世纪最大的地缘政治考验”。 |
| The Commerce Department is responsible for promoting the interests of American business and has always had a close relationship with industry. But as the China tech competition has intensified, the department has taken on a larger role in regulating company activity, as well. In 2018, Congress updated its laws governing export controls, giving the Bureau of Industry and Security more power to determine what kind of emerging technologies cannot be shared with China and other geopolitical rivals. | 商务部负责促进美国的商业利益，并一直与业界保持着密切关系。但随着与中国科技竞争加剧，它在监管公司活动方面也已开始担负起更大的责任。2018年，国会修订了有关出口管制的法律，赋予工业和安全局更大权力，可以决定哪些新兴技术不能与中国和其他地缘政治对手分享。 |
| But critics say the bureau has given companies and industry groups too much influence over its regulatory process and failed to adopt to the new realities of global competition. | 但批评人士说，该局让企业和行业团体对其监管过程有太多的影响，这不适合全球竞争的新现实。 |
| “The industry viewpoint has been the commerce viewpoint since the fall of the Soviet Union, and they’re not able to make the adjustment that the world has changed,” said Derek Scissors, a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute who advocates stronger export restrictions. | “自从苏联解体以来，业界观点一直就是商务部的观点，他们未能对世界已经改变做出调整，”美国企业研究所(American Enterprise Institute)常驻学者史剑道(Derek Scissors)说，他主张加强出口限制。 |
| “The industry capture is not, in my view, industry saying, ‘Hey, meet me at the Jefferson Memorial and I have a suitcase of money for you.’ It’s that these guys have been trained for 30 years to think that exports are good for America and that’s that,” Mr. Scissors said. “So surprise, they don’t want tighter export controls.” | “在我看来，商务部被行业驾驭并不是因为行业说，‘嘿，咱们在杰斐逊纪念堂见面，我给你带了一箱子钱。’而是这些人30年来受的训练都让他们认为出口对美国有利，仅此而已，”史剑道说。“他们不想更严格地控制出口，一点也不奇怪。” |
| But distancing the bureau from industry may have repercussions, too. Critics say that without the guidance of industry on complex technological issues, regulations can easily backfire, harming the American economy while doing little to combat security threats from China. And any policy that hamstrings innovation could in turn hold back the American military, which acquires most of its technology from the private sector. | 但让工业和安全局与行业拉开距离也可能导致负面影响。批评人士说，如果没有行业在复杂技术问题上的指导，监管很容易产生事与愿违的效果，给美国经济造成损害，同时在遏制中国的安全威胁上收效甚微。任何妨碍创新的政策都可能反过来阻碍美国军队的发展，因为军方的大部分技术都从私营部门采购。 |
| John Neuffer, the chief executive of the Semiconductor Industry Association, said that China accounted for about one-third of his industry’s revenue, and that it would be “disastrous” for semiconductor companies to not have access to such a huge and growing market. | 美国半导体工业协会(Semiconductor Industry Association)首席执行官约翰·诺伊弗(John Neuffer)说，中国为他所在的半导体行业带来约三分之一的收入，如果半导体企业无法进入这个如此巨大且不断增长的市场，那将是“灾难性的”。 |
| “When you start cutting off capital profits that can flow into R&D, many of them coming from the huge Chinese market, you really undermine our ability to stay at the tip of the spear in terms of semiconductor innovation,” Mr. Neuffer said. | “当你开始切断可回流到研发的资本利润，其中很多来自巨大的中国市场，那会真的削弱我们在半导体创新方面处于领先地位的能力，”诺伊弗说。 |
| “The sense of urgency in recent years inclined our leadership to make decisions without reference to what industry thought,” said Daniel H. Rosen, a founding partner of Rhodium Group. “We’re not going to serve the American interests if we don’t consider commercial interests and national security interests at the same time.” | “近年来的紧迫感让我们的领导层在做决定时不参考行业的想法，”荣鼎集团(Rhodium Group)创始合伙人荣大聂(Daniel H. Rosen)说。“如果我们不同时考虑商业利益和国家安全利益的话，我们就不能符合美国的利益。” |
| The Biden administration has already run into the political minefield surrounding the bureau. In her confirmation hearing in January, Gina Raimondo, the new secretary of commerce, attracted criticism from Republicans when she declined to commit to keeping Huawei on the bureau’s entity list. Ms. Raimondo later said that she would use the entity list “to its full effect,” and that Huawei and ZTE should be on the list. | 拜登政府已陷入围绕工业和安全局的政治雷区。在今年1月的任命听证会上，新任商务部长吉娜·雷蒙多(Gina Raimondo)曾拒绝承诺将华为保留在该局实体名单上，招致了共和党人的批评。雷蒙多后来说，她将“充分发挥”实体名单的作用，华为和中兴都应该留在名单上。 |
| With Ms. Raimondo sworn in to her post this month, the Biden administration is considering candidates to lead the Bureau of Industry and Security. It has become a contentious process, a kind of proxy battle among trade advisers, industry groups and lawmakers of both parties for the future of the United States’ tech strategy. | 雷蒙多本月宣誓就职后，拜登政府正在考虑工业和安全局局长的候选人。这已成为一个有争议的过程，成了某种贸易顾问、行业团体和两党议员之间就美国科技战略的未来而展开的一场代理人战争。 |
| One early contender, Kevin Wolf, a partner in the international trade group at the law firm Akin Gump, has run into resistance from some China hawks in Washington over his industry ties. Mr. Wolf, who was previously assistant secretary at the bureau, issued the sanctions against ZTE. He has consistently argued that restrictions that are unclear and unpredictable can backfire, “harming the very interests they were designed to protect.” | 有望担任局长的初步人选之一、安庆律师事务所(Akin Gump)负责国际贸易业务的合伙人凯文·沃尔夫(Kevin Wolf)，因其行业关系已遭到华盛顿一些对华鹰派人士的抵制。沃尔夫以前担任过该局的助理局长，他宣布了对中兴的制裁。他一直提出理由说，含糊不清、不可预测的限制可能会适得其反，“损害了这些限制旨在保护的利益”。 |
| But critics have found fault with his work on behalf of industry since leaving the government, including counseling clients on what is permitted under Mr. Trump’s regulations, and trying to obtain licenses for his clients to supply products to Huawei and S.M.I.C. | 但批评者在他离开政府后代表行业所做的工作中发现了问题，包括特朗普的监管规则所允许的为客户提供咨询，以及试图为他的客户获得向华为和中芯国际供货的许可证。 |
| Mr. Wolf said that he had merely helped companies understand the new rules, as other export control lawyers do, and that it was the Trump administration that was responsible for creating a new process to grant companies licenses to supply products to listed entities. | 沃尔夫说，他只不过是帮助企业了解了新规则，这和其他从事出口控制业务的律师做的没什么两样，而且是特朗普政府建立了给企业发放向实体名单上的公司供货许可的新程序。 |
| Some who believe the Bureau of Industry and Security requires a more fundamental transformation have instead pushed for James Mulvenon, an expert on the Chinese military at research firm Defense Group, who has publicly called for refocusing the bureau’s mandate to place national security interests before those “of Silicon Valley, Wall Street and other multinationals.” | 一些人认为工业和安全局需要进行更根本的改革，这些人推荐詹姆斯·马尔维农(James Mulvenon)担任局长，他是研究公司国防集团(Defense Group)的中国军事问题专家，曾公开呼吁调整工业和安全局的使命，将国家安全利益置于“硅谷、华尔街和其他跨国公司的”利益之上。 |
| The administration may also be considering less prominent candidates for the bureau’s three Senate-confirmed posts, like Brian Nilsson, a former employee of the Bureau of Industry and Security and the State Department, or export control lawyers like Douglas Jacobson and Greta Lichtenbaum, people familiar with the deliberations say. | 据知情人士透露，该局还有三个需要得到国会参议院确认的职位，拜登政府可能也正在考虑不那么引人注目的人选，比如工业和安全局前雇员、曾在国务院工作的布莱恩·尼尔森(Brian Nilsson)，或道格拉斯·雅各布森(Douglas Jacobson)和葛丽塔·里兹滕包姆(Greta Lichtenbaum)等从事出口控制业务的律师。 |
| Whoever leads the bureau, officials at the National Security Council are likely to play a guiding role, according to people familiar with the deliberations. | 据了解有关讨论的人说，不管谁领导该局，国家安全委员会(National Security Council)的官员都可能对它发挥指导作用。 |
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