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| The Myanmar soldiers descended before dawn on Feb. 1, bearing rifles and wire cutters. At gunpoint, they ordered technicians at telecom operators to switch off the internet. For good measure, the soldiers snipped wires without knowing what they were severing, according to an eyewitness and a person briefed on the events. |
| 2月1日拂晓前，缅甸士兵带着步枪和钢丝钳来到这里。他们用枪指着电信运营商的技术人员，命令他们关闭互联网。据一名目击者和一名知情者说，士兵们剪了线，但并不知道剪的是什么线。 |
| The data center raids in Yangon and other cities in Myanmar were part of a coordinated strike in which the military seized power, locked up the country’s elected leaders and took most of its internet users offline. |
| 军方采取协调行动夺取政权，关押缅甸民选领导人，并让大部分互联网用户下线，此次对仰光和缅甸其他城市的数据中心的突查，也是该行动的一部分。 |
| Since the coup, the military has repeatedly shut off the internet and cut access to major social media sites, isolating a country that had only in the past few years linked to the outside world. The military regime has also floated legislation that could criminalize the mildest opinions expressed online. |
| 自政变以来，军方多次切断互联网，并屏蔽主要社交媒体网站，将这个仅在过去几年才与外部世界建立联系的国家重新隔绝起来。军政府还提出一项立法，可以将网上表达的最温和的意见也定为犯罪。 |
| So far, the Tatmadaw, as the Myanmar military is known, has depended on cruder forms of control to restrict the flow of information. But the army seems serious about setting up a digital fence to more aggressively filter what people see and do online. Developing such a system could take years and would likely require outside help from Beijing or Moscow, according to experts. |
| 到目前为止，被称为“国防军”(Tatmadaw)的缅甸军方一直依靠较为简单粗暴的控制方式来限制信息流动。但他们似乎也在着力建设一个数字围栏，更积极地过滤人们在网上的见闻分享和行动。专家表示，开发这样一个系统可能需要数年时间，而且很可能需要北京或莫斯科的外部帮助。 |
| Such a comprehensive firewall may also exact a heavy price: The internet outages since the coup have paralyzed a struggling economy. Longer disruptions will damage local business interests and foreign investor confidence as well as the military’s own vast business interests. |
| 这样的全面防火墙可能也要付出沉重的代价：政变后的互联网中断令挣扎中的经济陷入瘫痪。更长时间的中断将损害当地商业利益和外国投资者的信心，以及军方自身的巨大商业利益。 |
| “The military is afraid of the online activities of people so they tried to block and shut down the internet,” said Ko Zaw Thurein Tun, a president of a local chapter of the Myanmar Computer Professionals Association. “But now international bank transactions have stopped, and the country’s economy is declining. It’s like their urine is watering their own face.” |
| “军方害怕人们在网上的活动，所以他们试图封锁和关闭互联网，”缅甸计算机业者协会(Myanmar Computer Professionals Association)地方分会会长哥左杜恩敦(Ko Zaw Thurein Tun)说。“但现在国际银行交易已经停止，国家的经济正在下滑。就像用自己的尿浇自己的脸。” |
| If Myanmar’s digital controls become permanent, they would add to the global walls that are increasingly dividing what was supposed to be an open, borderless internet. The blocks would also offer fresh evidence that more countries are looking to China’s authoritarian model to tame the internet. Two weeks after the coup, Cambodia, which is under China’s economic sway, also unveiled its own sweeping internet controls. |
| 如果缅甸的数字控制成为永久性的措施，那将成为又一堵全球围墙，将一个本应开放、无国界的互联网日益分隔开来。封锁还将提供新的证据，表明越来越多的国家正寻求使用中国的威权模式来驯服互联网。政变发生两周后，受中国经济力量支配的柬埔寨也公布了自己对互联网的全面控制措施。 |
| Even policymakers in the United States and Europe are setting their own rules, although these are far less severe. Technologists worry such moves could ultimately break apart the internet, effectively undermining the online networks that link the world together. |
| 即使是美国和欧洲的政策制定者也在制定自己的规则，尽管它们远没有那么严厉。技术专家担心，这样的举动可能最终导致互联网分崩离析，颠覆将世界连接在一起的在线网络。 |
| The people of Myanmar may have gotten online later than most others, but their enthusiasm for the internet has the zeal of the converted. Communications on Facebook and Twitter, along with secure messaging apps, have united millions of people in opposition to the coup. |
| 缅甸人通网的时间可能比其他大多数国家的人要晚，但他们对互联网的热情毫不逊色。Facebook和Twitter上的交流，以及加密消息应用，让数百万人团结起来反对政变。 |
| Daily street protests against the military have gathered strength in recent days, despite fears of a bloody crackdown. Demonstrators have rallied at China’s diplomatic missions in Myanmar, accusing Beijing of exporting the tools of authoritarianism to its smaller neighbor. |
| 尽管担心会发生血腥镇压，最近几天反对军方的日常街头抗议活动已经在积聚力量。示威者聚集在中国驻缅甸的外交使团总部，指责北京向这个毗邻小国输出威权主义工具。 |
| Huawei and ZTE, two major Chinese companies, built much of Myanmar’s telecommunications network, especially when Western financial sanctions made it difficult for other foreign firms to operate in the country. |
| 中国两大公司华为和中兴建立了缅甸的大部分电信网络，尤其是在西方的金融制裁使得其他外国公司难以在缅甸运营的情况下。 |
| Myanmar’s two foreign-owned telecom operators, Telenor and Ooredo, have complied with numerous demands from the military, including instructions to cut off the internet each night for the past week, and block specific websites, such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. |
| 缅甸的两家外资电信运营商挪威电信(Telenor)和Ooredoo电信已遵从了军方的大量要求，包括在过去一周每晚切断互联网，并屏蔽Facebook、Twitter和Instagram等特定网站。 |
| All the while, the military has placed officers from its Signal Corps in charge of the Posts and Telecommunications Department, according to two people with knowledge of the department’s staffing. |
| 据两名了解邮电部人员情况的人士说，军方安排了信号部队的军官负责该部门。 |
| A 36-page draft cybersecurity law that was distributed to telecoms and internet service providers the week after the coup outlines draconian rules that would give the military sweeping powers to block websites and cut off access to users deemed troublesome. The law would also allow the government broad access to users’ data, which it stipulates the internet providers must store for three years. |
| 政变发生一周后，一份36页的网络安全法草案被分发给电信和互联网服务提供商，其中列出了严厉的规定，将赋予军方广泛的权力，可以屏蔽网站、切断被视为有问题的用户的访问。该法还将允许政府广泛获取用户数据，并规定互联网提供商必须将用户数据保存三年。 |
| “The cybersecurity law is just a law to arrest people who are online,” said Ma Htaike Htaike Aung, the executive director of MIDO, a civil society group that tracks technology in Myanmar. “If it goes through, the digital economy will be gone in our country.” |
| “这部网络安全法只是用来逮捕上网者的法律，”追踪缅甸技术动态的民间社会组织MIDO的总干事玛泰凯泰凯昂(Ma Htaike Htaike Aung)说。“如果它被通过，我们国家的数字经济将不复存在。” |
| When the draft of the law was sent for comment to the foreign telecoms, the companies’ representatives were told by the authorities that rejecting the law was not an option, according to two people with knowledge of the conversations. |
| 两名知情人士说，当法律草案被发送给外国电信公司寻求意见时，当局告诉公司的代表，他们没有拒绝这条法律的选择。 |
| Those people and others with knowledge of the ongoing attempts to crack down on the internet in Myanmar spoke to The New York Times on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivities of the new regime. |
| 由于新政权的敏感性，这些人以及其他对于缅甸互联网遭受持续镇压的知情人士要求《纽约时报》为他们匿名。 |
| The draft cybersecurity law follows a yearslong effort within the country to build out surveillance capabilities, often following cues from China. Last year, Telenor, a Norwegian-owned company, raised concerns about a government push to register the identities of individuals who purchase cellphone services, which would allow the authorities to link names to phone numbers. |
| 这份网络安全法草案是该国内部为了建立监视能力所付出的多年努力，这项努力时常会借鉴中国的先例。去年，挪威国有公司挪威电信对政府推动实名购买手机服务提出了担忧，这将允许当局将姓名与电话号码联系起来。 |
| The campaign in Myanmar has thus far been unsuccessful, though it bears similarities to China’s real-name registration policies, which have become a keystone of Beijing’s surveillance state. The program reflected Myanmar’s ambitions, but also just how far away it is from achieving anything close to what China has done. |
| 中国的实名注册政策已成为北京建立的监控国家的基石，缅甸的这项计划虽然与中国有相似之处，但迄今仍未成功。该计划反映了缅甸的宏愿，但也反映出距离中国所到达的程度还有很远。 |
| In recent years, Huawei surveillance cameras made to track cars and people have also gone up in the country’s biggest cities and in the underpopulated capital Naypyidaw. A top cybersecurity official in Myanmar recently showed off photos of such road monitoring technology on his personal Facebook page. |
| 近年来，在缅甸最大的城市和人口稀少的首都内比都，用于跟踪汽车和人员的华为监控摄像头也增多了。缅甸一位高级网络安全官员最近在其个人Facebook页面上炫耀了这种道路监控技术的照片。 |
| A Huawei spokesman declined to comment about the systems. |
| 华为发言人拒绝对此系统置评。 |
| For now, even as anti-Chinese protests mount over fears of an influx of high-tech equipment, the Tatmadaw has ordered telecom companies to use less sophisticated methods to hamper internet access. The method of choice is to decouple website addresses from the series of numbers a computer needs to look up specific sites, a practice akin to listing a wrong number under a person’s name in a phone book. |
| 就目前而言，即使反华抗议活动随着人们对高科技设备涌入的担忧而增加，国防军还是下令电信公司使用不太高级的方法来阻止互联网访问，那就是将网站地址与计算机查找特定站点所需的一系列数字脱钩，这种操作类似于在电话簿中在人名旁边写上错误的电话。 |
| Savvier internet users skirt the blocks with virtual private networks or V.P.N.s. But over the past week, access to some popular free V.P.N.s in Myanmar has been hindered. And paid services, which are harder to block, are unaffordable to most people in the country, who also lack the international credit cards needed to purchase them. |
| 老练的互联网用户可以使用虚拟专用网络(VPN)绕过障碍。但是在过去一周中，访问缅甸一些受欢迎的免费VPN受到了阻碍。而且，不容易被封锁的收费服务对于该国大多数人来说是负担不起的，他们也缺乏购买这些服务所需的国际信用卡。 |
| Still, for one of Asia’s poorest countries, Myanmar has developed a surprisingly robust technical command. Over the past decade, thousands of military officers have studied in Russia, where they were schooled in the latest information technology, according to educational data from Myanmar and Russia. |
| 然而，作为亚洲最贫穷的国家之一，缅甸已经发展出令人惊讶的技术实力。根据缅甸和俄罗斯的教育数据，在过去的十年中，成千上万的军官在俄罗斯学习，他们在那里接受了最新的信息技术的教育。 |
| In 2018, the Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications, which was then under a hybrid civilian-military government, diverted $4.5 million from an emergency fund to use for a social media monitoring team that “aims to prevent foreign sources who interfere and incite unrest in Myanmar.” |
| 2018年，当时由军民混合政府领导的运输和电信部从应急基金中调拨了450万美元，用于一个社交媒体监视小组，“旨在防止外国来源对缅甸进行干涉和煽动动乱。” |
| Thousands of cyber soldiers operate under military command, tech experts in Myanmar said. Each morning, after the nightly internet shutdowns, more websites and V.P.N.s are blocked, showing the soldiers’ industriousness. |
| 缅甸的技术专家说，成千上万的网络士兵在军事指挥下运作。每天早晨，在每晚的互联网关停之后，有更多的网站和VPN被封锁，可见这些士兵一直在加班加点地工作。 |
| “We see a military that has been using analog methods for decades but is also trying to embrace new tech,” said Hunter Marston, a Southeast Asia researcher at the Australian National University. “While it’s applied in a haphazard way for now, they’re setting up a system to sweep up anyone who posts anything even remotely threatening to the regime.” |
| “数十年来我们一直能看到军方在使用模拟的方法，但他们也在努力采用新技术，”澳大利亚国立大学(Australian National University)东南亚研究人员亨特·马斯顿(Hunter Marston)说。“尽管目前的应用没有章法，但他们正在建立一个系统，以扫除任何发表对政权构成威胁的人。” |
| Mr. Zaw Thurein Tun, of the Myanmar Computer Professionals Association, said that he was sitting at home, browsing the internet shortly after the coup, when a clutch of men arrived to arrest him. Other digital activists had already been detained across the country. He ran. |
| 缅甸计算机业者协会的左杜恩敦说，政变后不久，他在家里上网时来了一群人逮捕他。在全国范围内已有许多数字活动人士被拘捕。他逃跑了。 |
| He is now in hiding but is helping to direct a civil disobedience campaign against the military. Mr. Zaw Thurein Tun said he is concerned that the Tatmadaw is assembling, brick by digital brick, its own firewall. |
| 目前，正在藏匿的他协助发起了针对军方的非暴力反抗运动。左杜恩敦说，他担心国防军正在一点点组装自己的数字防火墙。 |
| “Then all of us will be in complete darkness again,” he said. |
| 他说：“那样的话我们所有人将再次陷入完全的黑暗之中。” |
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