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| SEOUL — President Biden embarked Thursday on his first diplomatic mission to Asia since taking office, hoping to demonstrate that the United States remained focused on countering China, even as his administration stage-managed a war against Russia in Europe. |
| 首尔——周四，拜登总统开始进行他上任以来的首次亚洲外事访问，希望表明美国仍然专注于对抗中国，尽管他的政府从幕后在欧洲引导了一场针对俄罗斯的战争。 |
| With his original strategy of pivoting foreign policy attention to Asia effectively blown up by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Mr. Biden has now shifted to the argument that there can be no trade-off between Europe and Asia and that only the United States can bring together the democracies of the East and West to stand up to autocracy and aggression in both spheres. |
| 由于俄罗斯入侵乌克兰，拜登最初将外交政策重心转向亚洲的战略遭到破坏，拜登现已转而认为不能在欧洲和亚洲之间进行权衡取舍，并且只有美国才能将东方和西方的民主国家团结起来，在两个半球都能够对抗专制与侵犯。 |
| For Mr. Biden, finding his balance between the twin imperatives will require geopolitical maneuvering that would challenge any president. The competing demands on his time and attention were on display on Thursday as he squeezed in a last-minute meeting at the White House with the leaders of Sweden and Finland to welcome their decisions to join NATO before heading to Joint Base Andrews to board Air Force One for the long flight to South Korea. And days before that, Mr. Biden hosted Southeast Asian nations at the White House to detail new investments in clean energy and maritime assets, part of an effort to prevent China from dominating the Indo-Pacific. |
| 对拜登来说，在这两个当务之急之间找到平衡所需要的地缘政治角力对任何一位总统来说都是挑战。两个方面均需要他的时间和注意力，这一点在周四得到了体现，他挤出时间与瑞典和芬兰领导人在白宫举行了临时会议，欢迎他们决定加入北约，然后前往安德鲁斯联合基地登上空军一号，开始去往韩国的长途飞行。在那之前的几天，拜登在白宫接待了东南亚国家领导人，详细介绍了对清洁能源和海洋资产的新投资，这是防止中国主导印太地区的努力的一部分。 |
| “What the administration is trying to do is add credibly to their claim that America is back as a global leader and the idea that the world is not two theaters,” said Evan S. Medeiros, a scholar at Georgetown University who served as an Asia adviser to President Barack Obama when the original pivot to Asia was conceived. “It’s, ‘Hey, I’m not going to forget about you; this is not a choice between Europe and Asia.’” |
| “政府试图做的是给自己的主张注入可信度，这主张就是美国正重新成为全球领导者，以及世界并不是两个舞台，”乔治城大学学者埃文·S·梅代罗斯说。转向亚洲的想法是由奥巴马政府首先提出的，梅代罗斯当时是总统的亚洲事务顾问。“这是在说，‘嘿，我不会忘记你的；这不是要在欧洲和亚洲之间做选择。’” |
| The Ukraine war will no doubt follow Mr. Biden during stops in Seoul and Tokyo, hovering over his talks with the leaders of South Korea, Japan, Australia, India and others. At the same time, administration officials fear that North Korea may use the president’s trip to thrust itself back onto the global agenda with an in-your-face test of a nuclear weapon or intercontinental ballistic missile, reminding everyone of dangers beyond Ukraine. |
| 拜登在首尔和东京停留期间，乌克兰战争问题将毫无疑问地萦绕在他与韩国、日本、澳大利亚、印度和其他国家领导人的会谈上。与此同时，政府官员担心朝鲜可能会利用总统的访问将自己重新推上全球议程，挑衅式测试核武器或洲际弹道导弹，提醒所有人乌克兰之外的威胁。 |
| “We are preparing for all contingencies, including the possibility that such a provocation would occur while we are in Korea or in Japan,” Jake Sullivan, the president’s national security adviser, told reporters this week before Mr. Biden departed Washington. Mr. Sullivan has consulted his counterpart in China in recent days to discuss, among other things, the prospect of a North Korean provocation. |
| 总统的国家安全顾问杰克·沙利文本周在拜登离开华盛顿之前对记者说：“我们正在为所有突发事件做准备，包括在我们在韩国或日本期间发生这种挑衅的可能性。”最近几天，沙利文咨询了在中国的对等官员，讨论了朝鲜挑衅的可能性等问题。 |
| Mr. Biden’s trip is also aimed at reassuring allies in the region who were rattled by President Donald J. Trump’s unorthodox approach to Asia in recent years. Mr. Trump pulled the United States out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an American-negotiated regional trade pact meant to counter China’s growing economic sway. He repeatedly questioned American troop commitments to South Korea and the mutual defense agreement with Japan, while engaging in what he called a “love affair” with North Korea’s Kim Jong-un. |
| 近年来，特朗普总统有违常规的亚洲政策让该地区的盟友感到不安，拜登此行的另一个目标是要安抚他们。特朗普让美国退出了跨太平洋伙伴关系协定，这是一项由美国谈判达成的区域贸易协定，旨在对抗中国日益增长的经济影响力。特朗普多次质疑美国在韩国的驻军以及与日本的共同防御协议，同时称他与朝鲜的金正恩的关系是一场“恋爱”。 |
| Bruce Klingner, a longtime C.I.A. analyst on Asia now at the Heritage Foundation, said South Korea and Japan were increasingly nervous about North Korea’s capabilities and Mr. Trump’s threats to pull back from the region. “Biden should provide unequivocal assurances of U.S. dedication to the defense of our allies and affirm the U.S. extended deterrence guarantee of nuclear, conventional and missile defense forces,” he said. |
| 传统基金会的布鲁斯·克林纳曾长期担任CIA亚洲分析师，他表示，韩国和日本越来越担心朝鲜的能力以及特朗普要从该地区撤出的威胁。“拜登应该明确保证美国致力于保卫我们的盟友，并确认美国对核、常规和导弹防御力量的延伸威慑的保证，”他说。 |
| A couple of recent studies have concluded that even though American political influence in the region has risen again with Mr. Trump leaving power, the United States has continued to lose economic influence because of the withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership. |
| 最近的几项研究得出的结论是，尽管随着特朗普的下台，美国在该地区的政治影响力再次上升，但由于退出跨太平洋伙伴关系协定，美国的经济影响力继续下降。 |
| “The biggest criticism of the administration in Asia right now is they have no economic strategy and they’re ceding the field to China,” said Michael J. Green, the incoming chief executive of the United States Studies Centre in Australia and a former Asia adviser to President George W. Bush. |
| “目前亚洲对政府最大的批评是他们没有经济战略，而且他们正在把这个领域让给中国，”曾任乔治·W·布什总统亚洲顾问的迈克尔·J·格林说。他即将上任澳大利亚美国研究中心主任。 |
| To address that, Mr. Biden plans to unveil a new Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, which is a pale shadow of a full-scale trade pact but will outline various mutual priorities like digital trade and supply chain security. American officials hope it will be joined by many of the countries still in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. |
| 为了解决这个问题，拜登计划推出一个新的印太经济框架，该框架是全面贸易协定的一个苍白的模仿，但将概括数字贸易和供应链安全等各种共同优先事项。美国官员希望许多仍在跨太平洋伙伴关系中的国家加入。 |
| Mr. Green called that an important first step but one that behind the scenes, the Japanese, Australians and others find inadequate for the moment — although they are unlikely to say so publicly. “A lot of their interest is to show the U.S. is back and China is not going to write the economic rules,” Mr. Green said. |
| 格林称这是重要的第一步，但私下里，日本、澳大利亚等国认为目前还不够——尽管他们不太可能公开这样表示。“他们非常感兴趣的是表明美国回来了，不会任由中国制定经济规则，”格林说。 |
| Matthew P. Goodman, senior vice president for economics at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said that if the Biden administration did not offer greater access to the American market, nations in the region would be looking for direct funding to expand infrastructure and the digital economy. “I think a lot of partners are going to look at that list and say: That’s a good list of issues. I’m happy to be involved,” said Mr. Goodman. “But, you know, are we going to get any tangible benefits out of participating in this framework?” |
| 战略与国际研究中心经济研究高级副总裁马修·P·古德曼表示，如果拜登政府未能提供更多进入美国市场的渠道，该地区的国家将寻求直接资金，以扩大基础设施和数字经济规模。“我想很多合作伙伴在看到这份清单后都会说：确实提到了许多要点。我很乐意参与，”古德曼表示。“但话说回来，参与这个框架能让我们得到任何切实的好处吗？” |
| In crafting the economic framework, Biden administration officials have focused in part on labor and environmental standards. But without the benefits of lowered trade barriers, other countries may be reluctant to make costly commitments. |
| 在制定该经济框架时，拜登政府官员就将部分重点放在了劳工和环境保护的标准之上。但如果没有降低贸易壁垒的优惠，其他国家可能并不愿做出代价高昂的承诺。 |
| “The bottom line is the United States is not coming to the table with market access,” said Sheila A. Smith, a senior fellow for Asia-Pacific studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. “And that’s the trade piece. That’s what the region is looking for.” |
| “说到底就是美国并没有带着市场准入的承诺来谈判，”外交关系委员会亚太问题高级研究员希拉·A·史密斯说道。“这才是关键一步。这是该地区最关心的地方。” |
| During stops in Seoul and Tokyo, Mr. Biden will encounter two new partners who are both seen as more aligned with American priorities and likely to have good chemistry with the president, according to Mr. Green and other analysts and officials. The first, President Yoon Suk-yeol of South Korea, was inaugurated on May 10 and has taken a stronger approach to China and North Korea than his predecessor, while the second, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida of Japan, was elected just last October and enjoys a level of popularity that is likely to keep him in office for the duration of Mr. Biden’s term, unlike the frequent revolving-door governments in Tokyo. |
| 据格林和其他分析人士及官员表示，在访问首尔和东京期间，拜登将要会见的两位新伙伴都被认为与美国的优先事项更一致，可能与总统营造出良好关系。第一位就是5月10日正式就职的韩国总统尹锡悦，他对中国与朝鲜的姿态比前任更强硬；第二位则是去年10月当选的日本首相岸田文雄，高支持率让他很可能在拜登任期内继续担任此职，打破东京频繁更换领导层的常规。 |
| “Inevitably North Korea is going to make itself front and center as part of the agenda for a Biden-Yoon summit,” said Scott A. Snyder, the director of U.S.-Korea policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. “Just the fact that that speculation is out there makes it necessary for the two leaders to talk about extended deterrence, how that works, and to try to deepen their shared commitment to security and defense.” |
| “朝鲜不可避免将会进入拜登-尹锡悦峰会的议程，”外交关系委员会的美韩政策主任斯科特·A·施耐德说。“正因存在这种猜测，两国领导人才有必要讨论延伸威慑，以及实现延伸威慑的办法，并寻求深化两国在安全和防务方面的共同承诺。” |
| While in Tokyo, Mr. Biden will also meet with other leaders of the so-called Quad — the United States, Japan, Australia and India — his second time sitting down with his counterparts in a bloc meant to resist Chinese hegemony in the region. |
| 在东京，拜登还将会见所谓“四方安全对话”——包括美国、日本、澳大利亚与印度——的其他领导人，这是一个旨在对抗中国在该地区霸权的集团，此行是拜登第二次与他们面谈。 |
| With Australian elections scheduled for Saturday, it remained unclear who would attend the meeting, on Tuesday. |
| 由于澳大利亚将于周六进行大选，目前尚不确定谁将出席周二的会晤。 |
| But the most complicating factor may be how Mr. Biden approaches Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, who has been hesitant to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine out of fear of undermining security ties with Moscow. Moreover, Mr. Biden’s promise to combat autocracies around the world will be put to the test with Mr. Modi, who has marginalized and maligned minority Muslims. |
| 但最为复杂的变量或许是拜登对待印度总理莫迪的态度，由于担心破坏与莫斯科的安全联系，莫迪一直不愿谴责俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵。此外，莫迪将穆斯林少数群体边缘化和污名化的行为，也将考验拜登与世界各地专制制度作斗争的承诺。 |
| But the president’s aides said he can press the international campaign to thwart Russian aggression while still navigating the diplomatic complexities of the Asian-Pacific region and reaffirming America’s role in this part of the world. |
| 但总统助手们表示，拜登能够在推动全球阻挠俄罗斯侵略行径的同时，处理好亚太地区复杂的外交事务，并重新确立美国在该地区的影响力。 |
| “He remains focused on ensuring that our efforts in those missions are successful,” said Mr. Sullivan, “but he also intends to seize this moment, this pivotal moment, to assert bold and confident American leadership in another vital region of the world.” |
| “他仍然专注于确保我们在这些任务中的努力取得成功，”沙利文表示。“但他也打算抓住机会，利用这个关键时机，在世界的另一个重要地区确立大胆而自信的美国领导地位。” |
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