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| HONG KONG — When hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong residents took to the streets in 2019 to protest a proposed extradition bill, John Lee, the security secretary at the time, went before the city’s Legislative Council to defend the government’s position. |
| 香港——2019年，数十万香港居民走上街头，抗议一项拟议的引渡法案，时任香港保安局局长李家超在香港立法会为政府的立场辩护。 |
| During the session, Mr. Lee, a former police officer, was questioned about the excessive use of force and tear gas on protesters by the police. Combative lawmakers shouted “down with John Lee!” One accused him of trying to “sell out Hong Kong for personal gains” in his dogged pursuit of a bill that would force some people to face trial in mainland China. |
| 在听证会上，曾经是一名警官的李家超被问及警方对抗议者过度使用武力和催泪瓦斯的问题。好斗的议员们高喊“打倒李家超！”有人指责他试图“为个人利益出卖香港”，因为他执着地追求一项将迫使一些人在中国大陆受审的法案。 |
| Mr. Lee, who spent decades in the police and security bureau, stuck to his talking points. And now he is set to become Hong Kong’s new chief executive in a rubber-stamp election held on Sunday. More than half of the nearly 1,500 people authorized to cast ballots have already backed him, guaranteeing a victory. All dissent in the legislature has been silenced. |
| 在警务处和保安局工作了几十年的李家超坚持自己的观点。如今，他将在周日举行的橡皮图章选举中成为香港新任行政长官。在获准投票的近1500人中，超过一半的人已经支持他，这确保了他的胜利。立法机关中所有持不同意见的人都已被压制。 |
| In choosing Mr. Lee, who is running unopposed, China has cemented Hong Kong’s transition from a semiautonomous territory into a city that is run much more like the rest of the authoritarian mainland, where social stability comes above all else. After years of mass protest and civil unrest, Beijing has found a loyal agent to secure its grip over the city. |
| 通过选择没有竞争对手的李家超，中国在让香港稳步过渡，从半自治领土变得更像威权统治的大陆城市，以社会稳定为首要目标。经历了几年来的大规模抗议和民间动乱之后，北京找到了一位忠诚的代理人，来确保对这座城市的控制。 |
| “Lee will have a vested interest in sustaining a hard-line approach to dissent in Hong Kong in the coming few years, as the entire raison d’être of his appointment as chief is to keep Hong Kong in line with Beijing’s requirements,” said Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute in London. |
| “在未来几年里，维持对香港异见人士的强硬态度将符合李家超的利益，因为他被任命为特首的根本理由就是使香港符合北京的要求，”伦敦SOAS中国研究所所长曾锐声说。 |
| “Whether this will be good for Hong Kong is, of course, a different matter,” he said. |
| “当然，这对香港是否有利是另一回事，”他说。 |
| When Mr. Lee takes office on July 1, it will be 25 years since the former British colony was returned to Chinese control and the first time the job of chief executive was uncontested. |
| 李家超将于7月1日就职，届时将是前英国殖民地香港回归中国25年，也是香港行政长官职位首次无人竞争。 |
| In a 44-page manifesto released last week, he said his priority would be to enact Article 23 of the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, prohibiting acts of treason, secession, sedition or subversion against Beijing. Successive chief executives have tried to do so and failed after being met with fierce opposition. |
| 在上周发布的一份44页的宣言中，李家超表示，他的首要任务将是为香港小宪法《基本法》第二十三条立法，它禁止针对北京的叛国、分裂国家、煽动或颠覆行为。历任行政长官都曾试图这么做，但都遭到强烈反对。 |
| But Mr. Lee, 64, has a reputation for getting things done. |
| 但是64岁的李家超有善于完成任务的声誉。 |
| As security secretary, he oversaw an aggressive crackdown against the protests, wielding a sweeping national security law imposed by Beijing to silence pro-democracy demonstrations and force opposition figures into prison or exile. He froze the assets of Jimmy Lai, the outspoken publishing tycoon, contributing to the fall of Apple Daily. When dozens of lawmakers were arrested last year over their campaign promise to block the government’s agenda in the legislature, Mr. Lee said they threatened to turn Hong Kong into a “bottomless abyss.” |
| 在担任保安局局长期间，他领导了对抗议活动的大力镇压，动用北京颁布的全面国家安全法，来压制支持民主的示威活动，迫使反对派人士入狱或流亡。他冻结了直言不讳的出版业大亨黎智英的资产，导致《苹果日报》倒闭。去年，数十名议员因在竞选时承诺阻止政府在立法会的议程而被捕，李家超说，他们威胁要把香港变成“深渊”。 |
| Staid and serious, Mr. Lee often appears more at ease in the background, quietly working the bureaucracy, than in the spotlight. His strictly controlled campaign has been run with similar restraint. |
| 李家超沉稳而严肃，往往更乐于待在幕后，静悄悄地在官僚机构中工作，而不是出现在聚光灯下。他受到严格控制的竞选活动也以类似的克制方式进行。 |
| He has taken only a few questions from the news media, and when he does, he usually takes notes. When he met with families in the city’s notoriously cramped apartments last month, it was behind closed doors, with police officers outside to keep reporters out. |
| 他只回答新闻媒体的几个问题，当他回答问题时通常会做笔记。上个月，他办了一场闭门活动，在该市以狭窄著称的公寓里同普通市民家庭会面，警察在门外阻止记者进入。 |
| Pressing the flesh, even by the tightly scripted standards of this selection process, does not come naturally to Mr. Lee, who sometimes pauses when speaking to the public and sometimes stumbles over his words. |
| 行政长官选拔过程有着严格的脚本，但即使按照这个标准而言，李家超也显得非常不自在，他对公众讲话时有时会停顿，有时说话会结巴。 |
| Carrie Lam, the current chief executive, who appeared to relish debate, has been called pugnacious and quick-witted by her colleagues. Mr. Lee, in many ways, is her foil. |
| 现任行政长官林郑月娥似乎喜欢辩论，她的同事称她斗志昂扬、思维敏捷。在很多方面，李家超像是她的陪衬。 |
| “He’s not the type that would speak a lot,” said Ted Hui, a former opposition lawmaker who fled overseas while facing several criminal cases for protesting. “Most of the time he was more like a machine, reading scripts. He has a cold face and hardly shows any emotion.” |
| “他不是那种话很多的人，”已因面临多起抗议相关刑事起诉而逃往海外的前反对派议员许智峰说。“大多数时候他更像一台机器，照本宣科。他表情冷漠，几乎从来不显露情绪。” |
| Mr. Lee joined the police at age 19 after a childhood encounter with local street toughs instilled in him a sense of law and order, he once recounted. |
| 李家超曾回忆说，因为儿时遇上过当地的街头恶霸，让他有了法律与秩序的观念，于是他在19岁时加入了警队。 |
| As he rose through the ranks, Mr. Lee, who did not respond to interview requests, handled some of Hong Kong’s biggest criminal cases, including the pursuit of Cheung Tze-keung, a gangster known as “Big Spender” who kidnapped and ransomed members of the Hong Kong elite in the 1990s. |
| 在晋升道路上，没有回应采访请求的李家超曾处理过香港一些最重大的刑事案件，包括追捕绰号“大富豪”的歹徒张子强，后者在上世纪90年代绑架并勒索了一些香港权贵。 |
| Officers from the police force’s organized crime bureau, which was then run by Mr. Lee, raided Mr. Cheung’s hide-out and confiscated 800 kilograms of explosives in 1998. The gangster escaped to mainland China, but was soon arrested and executed after a brief trial. |
| 1998年，由李家超领导的有组织罪案科突袭了张子强的藏身处，起获800公斤炸药。张子强逃往大陆，但很快遭到逮捕，并在简短审判后被处决。 |
| “As members of the gang were notoriously reckless and impulsive, we had to be extremely careful in planning and executing every detail of the operation,” Mr. Lee later recalled in a newsletter for Hong Kong’s Civil Service Bureau. |
| “这帮歹徒心狠手辣，肆意妄为，要把他们缉拿归案，我们必须审慎部署，步步为营，小心执行每个行动细节，”李家超在后来给香港公务员事务局的忆述中表示。 |
| The success of his early career deepened Mr. Lee’s contacts within the mainland security services, leading to regular visits to police departments around China. That continued after he joined the leadership of the security bureau, which oversees the police. |
| 早年职业生涯的成功加深了李家超与大陆安全部门的联系，让他得以定期访问中国各地的警务部门。在他进入监管警队的保安局领导层后，类似的考察仍在继续。 |
| In early 2019, he visited Xinjiang, the northwestern region of China where the authorities have carried out a brutal crackdown against Uyghurs and other predominately Muslim minority groups. Mr. Lee told lawmakers that the trip offered potential lessons for Hong Kong’s antiterrorism strategy. |
| 2019年初，他前往中国西部地区新疆，当局在那里对以维吾尔族和其他以穆斯林为主的少数民族进行了残酷镇压。李家超对议员们表示，此次考察为香港的反恐战略提供了潜在的教训。 |
| The extradition proposal, which had been crafted by Mr. Lee, was made public that same year. In defending the bill, Mr. Lee said it would “block loopholes in the overall system of cooperation on criminal justice.” The city exploded in protests. |
| 由李家超起草的引渡提案于同年公布。在为该提案辩护时，李家超表示，此举是为了“填补（刑事司法合作）制度上的漏洞”。整个香港因此爆发了抗议活动。 |
| Once Beijing authorized the sweeping national security law, dissent from lawmakers and residents was aggressively targeted by the police, and Mr. Lee adopted a firmer tone as the authorities arrested dozens of activists and opposition politicians. |
| 在北京批准了全面的国家安全法后，来自立法者和居民的异议立即成为了警方猛烈攻击的目标，在当局逮捕了数十名活动人士和反对派政客时，李家超采取了更加坚定的态度。 |
| His success against the protests earned him more plaudits from the Communist Party. Mr. Lee and other senior officials were later hit with sanctions by the United States after the crackdown. YouTube recently blocked his campaign channel in order to comply with the sanctions. And as part of a broader diplomatic tit-for-tat, the American consul general has had limited access to top Hong Kong officials, including Mr. Lee. |
| 他在反抗议活动中取得的成功为他赢得了更多来自共产党的喝彩。在镇压之后，李家超和其他高级官员后来受到美国的制裁。YouTube最近依据制裁规定封锁了他的竞选频道。作为更广泛的外交报复的一部分，美国总领事与包括李家超在内的香港高级官员仅可进行有限接触。 |
| That isolation has been amplified by the coronavirus pandemic, with harsh virus restrictions damaging the city’s reputation as a global financial hub. |
| 新冠病毒大流行加剧了这种孤立，严厉的防控措施损害了该市作为全球金融中心的声誉。 |
| Paul Chan, the financial secretary, had been considered a possible replacement for Mrs. Lam, but Communist Party officials decided against a more business-minded leader in the city. “We need at least five more years of security and law enforcement to maintain a high degree of law and order,” said Michael Tien, a National People’s Congress deputy and a member of the Election Committee in Hong Kong. |
| 财政司司长陈茂波曾被认为是接替林郑月娥的人选，但共产党官员决定不委用这位更具商业头脑的领导人。“我们至少需要五年以上的安全执法才能维持高度的法律和秩序，”全国人大代表、香港选举委员会成员田北辰说。 |
| That helped clear the way for Mr. Lee. |
| 这为李家超扫清了道路。 |
| Some business leaders have expressed cautious optimism that Mr. Lee will lead Hong Kong through a successful pandemic recovery. Last summer, he listened as representatives from several global companies with headquarters in Hong Kong described the challenges of hiring and retaining foreign employees after more than a year of restrictions. Businesses threatened to leave the city. Many expatriates had temporarily relocated. |
| 一些商界领袖对李家超将带领香港成功实现大流行复苏持谨慎乐观态度。去年夏天，他听取了几名总部设在香港的跨国公司代表的陈述，他们表示在一年多的限制之后，他们在雇用和留住外国员工方面面临困难。企业威胁要离开这座城市。许多外籍人士暂时搬离了香港。 |
| Mr. Lee promised to see what he could do, said Frederik Gollob, the chairman of the European Chamber of Commerce, who was at the meeting. In August, the government eased a requirement that all residents returning to the city spend 21 days in a hotel quarantine. |
| 出席会议的欧洲商会主席高飞(Frederik Gollob)说，李家超承诺看看他能做些什么。8月，政府放宽了所有返港居民在酒店隔离21天的要求。 |
| “It produced a concrete result,” Mr. Gollob said. |
| “是产生了实际结果的，”戈洛布说。 |
| But days after the restrictions were lifted, the government tightened them again, prompting strongly worded letters from businesses and financial groups. Many attributed the reversal to Beijing’s intervention. |
| 但在解除限制几天后，政府再次收紧，促使企业和金融集团发布措辞强硬的信件。许多人将这种逆转归因于北京的干预。 |
| Those interventions are expected to continue under Mr. Lee’s watch, as China looks to stamp out any embers of resistance in Hong Kong. |
| 由于中国希望扑灭香港的一切抵抗余烬，预计这些干预将在李家超的监督下继续进行。 |
| Days before the election, Mr. Lee attended a televised forum that once featured lively debate between candidates up for chief executive. He had the stage all to himself. “It is not easy,” he said in mid-April, referring to his campaign. “I have been working very hard to explain to various members what my election platform will be like.” |
| 选举前几天，李家超参加了一个电视论坛，该论坛曾经主持过行政长官候选人之间的激烈辩论。这一次的舞台只属于他一个人。“这并不容易，”他在4月中旬谈到他的竞选活动时说。“我一直在非常努力地向各位委员解释我的选举纲领是怎样的。” |
| Even a one-man race takes effort. |
| 即使是一个人的竞选也需要努力。 |
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