| 双语新闻 Bilingual News | 双语对照阅读 分级系列阅读 智能辅助阅读 在线英语学习 |
|
| 双语新闻 Bilingual News | 双语对照阅读 分级系列阅读 智能辅助阅读 在线英语学习 |
| [英文] [中文] [双语对照] [双语交替] [] |
| HONG KONG — John Lee “will make Hong Kongers and international investors feel relaxed, at ease and full of confidence,” a pro-Beijing newspaper declared. He will help the city “start anew to achieve greater glories,” the state-run China Daily wrote, in one of a series of articles praising him. | 香港——一份亲北京的报纸宣称，李家超的政纲“让香港市民和国际投资者放心、安心、充满信心”。官媒《中国日报》在一系列称赞他的文章中写道，他将帮助香港“谱写新篇章”。 |
| His rise to the top leadership position is “a concentrated embodiment of public opinion,” said China’s official arm in Hong Kong, though only 1,424 members of a government-vetted committee voted for him on Sunday, in an uncontested race controlled by Beijing. | 中央政府驻香港特别行政区联络办公室称，李家超当选香港行政长官“是民意的集中体现”，尽管周日参加投票的只是经过政府挑选的1424名选举委员会成员，而且，李家超在这次由北京控制的选举中没有竞争对手。 |
| Having officially become the next chief executive, Mr. Lee is now Beijing’s man, a security-minded official who can be relied on to follow orders and keep Hong Kong in line. | 正式当选为下任行政长官的李家超现已成为北京的代理人，中央信赖安全官员出身的李家超会听从命令，确保香港的秩序。 |
| His political agenda is the next chapter in China’s vision for the former British colony, set in motion by the sweeping national security law imposed two years ago, which quashed dissent in a city once known for its vibrant civil society and freewheeling press. | 他的政治议程是中国对这个英国前殖民地愿景的下一章，两年前开始实施的涉及范围广泛的国家安全法开启了这个未来。在曾有活跃的公民社会和新闻自由名声的香港，港区国安法已将异见镇压下去。 |
| Mr. Lee, a top architect of the crackdown on the antigovernment protests that roiled Hong Kong in 2019, inherits a city that has been tamed and cowed, with Beijing’s most outspoken critics behind bars or in exile. Unlike his predecessor, he will encounter little resistance to a legislative slate that prioritizes social stability and bureaucratic loyalty, the ideals of China’s ruling Communist Party. | 李家超在镇压2019年席卷香港的反政府抗议活动中起了主要作用，他将接管的是一座已被驯服和已被吓倒的城市，北京最直言不讳的批评者要么身陷囹圄，要么流亡海外。与他的前任不同，李家超在推进强调社会稳定和官员忠诚的立法上不会遇到多少阻力，这两点是中国共产党的执政理想。 |
| But he will also face a city embattled by the coronavirus and some of the world’s toughest pandemic restrictions. The economy is shrinking, unemployment is rising and growing numbers of people are leaving the city, imperiling Hong Kong’s status as a global financial center. | 但李家超将面对的也是一个受新冠病毒大流行和世界上一些最严格的限制措施所困扰的城市。香港的经济正在萎缩，失业率正在上升，越来越多的人正在离开，它作为全球金融中心的地位已受到威胁。 |
| Mr. Lee waved and bowed to applauding voters on Sunday after being declared the winner. “Having restored order from chaos, it is high time that Hong Kong starts a new chapter of development, a chapter that will be geared toward greater prosperity for all,” he said. | 选举委员会周日宣布李家超获胜后，他向鼓掌的委员们挥手致意。“香港已经从混乱中恢复了秩序，现在是开启走向更大繁荣发展新篇章的时候了，”他说。 |
| Since Hong Kong was reclaimed by China in 1997, Beijing has always let it be known who it wants in the top job, though it did so more subtly in the past. | 自1997年回归以来，北京一直让香港知道中央希望谁来担任行政长官，只不过以前的做法更微妙。 |
| Jiang Zemin, China’s then-leader, gave his tacit support to Tung Chee-hwa, the first chief executive, by singling him out for a long handshake at a 1996 meeting in Beijing. In 2012, the Central Liaison Office, which officially represents the Chinese government in Hong Kong, quietly told electors to pick Leung Chun-ying, the eventual winner. | 1996年，在北京的一次会议上，时任中国领导人江泽民专门与后来担任香港首位行政长官的董建华长时间握手，暗示了对他的支持。2012年，中央政府驻香港的正式代表机构中联办私下告诉选举委会成员投票梁振英，让他成为了最终的获胜者。 |
| When Mr. Lee announced his intention to run, he noted that he first needed Beijing’s permission to step down as chief secretary, the city’s No. 2 job. It was a simple matter of procedure, but also a public declaration of who was calling the shots. | 李家超宣布有意参加行政长官选举后曾明确表示，他需要在得到北京的许可后，辞去香港二号官员——政务司司长的职务。虽然这只是个简单的程序问题，但他的公开宣告也表明了谁在发号施令。 |
| Mr. Lee’s ascension was all but assured a month ago when his predecessor, Carrie Lam, said she would not seek a second term and Beijing approved his candidacy. Nobody else garnered enough nominations to make the ballot. | 李家超的当选几乎在一个月前就已成定局，当时，他的前任林郑月娥表示不寻求连任，中央政府批准了他的候选人资格。没有其他人获得足够多成为候选人的提名。 |
| The process has always been tightly controlled, but China removed any veneer of competition or opposition this time. Between new electoral rules and the national security law, the pro-democracy camp was effectively neutered. | 虽然中央政府一直对香港行政长官的选举过程进行严格控制，但这次彻底摘下了竞争或反对的面纱。在新选举法和港区国安法的挤压之下，亲民主阵营实际上已遭到阉割。 |
| As chief secretary, Mr. Lee led a panel that vetted the election committee members for loyalty last year. On Sunday, 1,416 members of them voted for Mr. Lee, with just eight opposed. He will be sworn in on July 1, the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to China. | 李家超担任政务司司长期间，曾在去年领导一个小组对选举委员会成员的忠诚度进行审查。周日，选举委员会中的1416名成员投了他的支持票，只有8人投了反对票。他将在7月1日，也就是香港回归25周年的纪念日宣誓就职。 |
| “Beijing has completely stacked the election committee with its loyalists and further twisted the process into a meaningless competition,” said Larry Diamond, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. “Even in Iran, there is more of a contest for the head of government.” | “北京让选举委员会全是听自己话的人，进一步将这个过程扭曲为一次毫无意义的竞选，”斯坦福大学胡佛研究所和弗里曼－斯波格利国际问题研究所的高级研究员戴雅门(Larry Diamond)说。“即使在伊朗，在争夺政府领导权上也有更多竞争。” |
| Mr. Lee’s pedigree reinforces Beijing’s intentions in Hong Kong. After joining the police as a probationary inspector at 19, he rose through the ranks, eventually becoming the security secretary in 2017. | 李家超的出身进一步彰显了北京对香港的意图。他19岁进入香港警务处，任见习督察，之后步步晋升，最终在2017年担任了保安局局长。 |
| Mr. Lee will be the first former police officer to assume Hong Kong’s top job in more than a century, and security remains a priority for him. | 他将是一个多世纪以来首位担任香港最高职位的前警务人员，安全仍是他的首要任务。 |
| He plans to push through a package of new laws on treason, secession, sedition and subversion, known collectively as Article 23. The laws are required by Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, but its leaders have never managed to pass them. The government tried in 2003, only to retreat after hundreds of thousands of people protested. | 他计划推动通过统称为23条立法的一系列针对叛国、分裂国家、煽动叛乱和颠覆的新法律。虽然这些法律是香港的小宪法《基本法》所要求的，但香港领导人从未能让它们得到通过。2003年，香港政府曾试图通过这些立法，但在几十万人上街抗议后退却了。 |
| This time, Mr. Lee won’t face similar opposition. | 这次，李家超不会遇到类似的反对。 |
| News outlets, unions, political parties and human rights groups have closed under government pressure and national security investigations. Dozens of pro-democracy politicians and activists are in custody awaiting trial on national security charges. | 在政府的压力和根据国安法进行的调查下，新闻机构、工会、政党和人权组织纷纷解散。数十名民主派政治人士和活动人士已被拘留，等待违反国安法指控的审理。 |
| “In order to deal with future national security risks, it is urgent to complete the legislation of Article 23, and the legislation must be a ‘tiger with teeth,’” the state-owned Ta Kung Pao newspaper said last month. | “为应对未来的国安风险，完成23条立法已是刻不容缓，而且立法更必须是‘有牙老虎’，”政府拥有的《大公报》在上月的一篇评论中写道。 |
| Mr. Lee has been a staunch advocate of security legislation. He told the United Nations Human Rights Council in March that the 2020 security law had “restored peace and stability” by ending the “violence, destruction and chaos” of the protests. | 李家超一直是安全立法的坚定倡导者。今年3月，他对联合国人权理事会说，2020年实施的港区国安法结束了抗议活动的“暴力、破坏和混乱”，“恢复了香港的和平与稳定”。 |
| He also wants to root out critics in Hong Kong’s civil service, which has been under attack from pro-Beijing politicians since some government employees joined the 2019 demonstrations. Beijing loyalists have also accused the bureaucracy of resisting efforts to carry out mainland-style coronavirus controls, including lockdowns and mandatory testing. | 他还想根除香港公务员队伍中的批评人士。由于一些政府雇员参加了2019年的示威活动，香港公务员队伍一直受到亲北京政客的攻击。忠于北京的人还指责香港官僚机构抵制在当地推行内地的新冠病毒放空措施，包括封控和强制检测。 |
| As chief secretary, Mr. Lee expanded a requirement for public office holders to take fealty pledges similar to those required for bureaucrats on the mainland. And he headed a committee to vet candidates for elected office, to ensure that they were sufficiently loyal (the same panel that vetted his future voters). | 李家超在担任政务司司长期间扩大了对公职人员的要求，要求他们做出类似于大陆官员需要做的忠诚承诺。他还领导了一个审查公职候选人的委员会，以确保他们足够忠诚（就是这个委员会审查了后来投票他当选行政长官的人）。 |
| “We need to make sure the civil service will faithfully implement the policies of the government,” said Lau Siu-kai, an adviser to Beijing on Hong Kong policy. | “我们需要确保公务员队伍忠实地执行政府政策，”中央政府的香港政策顾问刘兆佳说。 |
| Mr. Lee has also embraced the idea, popular among mainland Chinese officials, that a lack of housing and economic opportunities helped ignite the protests of 2019. | 李家超还接受了一个在内地官员中盛行的观点，即缺乏住房和经济机会是引发2019年抗议活动的原因之一。 |
| Last month, he toured a crowded Hong Kong housing block. Pledging to create more public housing, he described the bleak conditions there, mentioning a mother and two children who lived in a 150-square-foot apartment “with cockroaches that sometimes climb in through the water pipes.” | 上个月，他视察了香港一个拥挤的住宅区。他承诺建设更多的公屋。他在描述那里的恶劣条件时提到了住在一套只有15平方米公寓里的母亲和两个孩子，“蟑螂有时会从水管里爬进来。” |
| “Their greatest wish is to be allocated public housing as soon as possible to improve their living environment,” he said. The waiting time for public housing is the longest it has been in two decades. | “他们最大的愿望是能够尽快分到公屋，以改善居住环境，”李家超说。目前的公屋轮候时间是20年来最长的。 |
| The coronavirus pandemic has exacerbated the challenges Mr. Lee will soon face in one of the world’s most expensive and unequal cities. | 香港是世界上最昂贵、最不平等的城市之一，新冠病毒大流行加剧了李家超即将面临的挑战。 |
| Life came to a standstill this year as the Omicron variant infected more than a million residents and engulfed hospitals. Officials turned to the “zero Covid” strategy, shutting down bars, gyms and schools and reducing restaurant hours. The city’s working class has been hit hard by such measures, which have left the service industry reeling. | 今年，由于奥密克戎变异株感染了100多万居民、导致医疗资源挤兑，香港的生活陷入停顿状态。当地官员转向新冠清零策略，关闭了酒吧、健身房和学校，缩短了餐馆营业时间。这些措施严重打击了香港的工人阶级，让服务行业难以为继。 |
| The coronavirus policies, which have largely isolated Hong Kong, have also prompted a reassessment of the city by international companies. Business leaders say they are struggling to hire and keep executives in Hong Kong. A growing number of companies have relocated, while others have temporarily moved top executives to cities like Singapore. | 抗疫政策在很大程度上将香港孤立起来，也促使国际公司重新评估这座城市。商界领袖说，他们很难招到或留住愿意住在香港的高管。越来越多的公司已搬离香港，还有一些公司已让高管暂住新加坡等城市。 |
| “This was the city of opportunity; everyone wanted to come here,” said Eugenia Bae, a headhunter for international banks and financial firms. “Now it is no longer a popular city anymore.” | “这曾是一座充满机会的城市；人人都想来这里，”国际银行和金融公司的猎头尤金妮亚·裴说。“现在，香港不再是一个热门城市。” |
| Mr. Lee, who is largely unknown to the business community, has promised to restore Hong Kong’s status as a thriving global hub. He has also said he would strengthen its financial ties with mainland China. | 商界基本上不太了解李家超，他承诺要恢复香港作为一个蓬勃发展的全球中心的地位。他还说，他会加强香港与内地的金融联系。 |
| “We have the hope and the expectation that the next leadership will lead Hong Kong out of the pandemic and back on track,” said Frederik Gollob, chairman of the European Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. | “我们有希望并期待，下任领导人将带领香港走出新冠病毒大流行，回到正轨，”香港欧盟商会主席高飞(Frederik Gollob)说。 |
| Felix Chung, a former lawmaker, met with Mr. Lee in early 2019, when the future chief executive was drafting a bill that would allow extradition to mainland China and other places — legislation that would soon trigger the citywide protests. | 2019年初，当香港未来的行政长官正在起草一份允许将嫌犯引渡到中国内地和其他地方的法案时，香港立法会前议员钟国斌曾与李家超见过面。（引渡法后来引发了香港全市范围的抗议活动。） |
| At the time, many business leaders took issue with the bill’s scope, worrying that it would make them vulnerable to charges on the mainland, where a corruption crackdown was underway. When China first opened up its economy, Mr. Chung said, many businesses operated in legally dubious ways. | 当时，许多商界领袖对该法案的涉及范围有疑问，担心引渡法会让他们在正在进行反腐败运动的内地受到指控。钟国斌说，中国经济刚开放时，许多企业都曾有过法律上站不住脚的做法。 |
| After several meetings, Mr. Lee agreed to remove 9 of the 46 categories of crimes originally cited in the bill, largely easing the business leaders’ concerns. Whether Mr. Lee will be so willing to negotiate as chief executive is unclear, Mr. Chung said. | 几次会面之后，李家超同意删除引渡法最初涉及的46类犯罪中的九类，这在很大程度上缓解了商界领袖的担忧。钟国斌说，目前不清楚李家超担任行政长官后是否还这么愿意谈判。 |
| “We cannot use our past experience to analyze the present situation because a lot of decisions are being made by Beijing,” he said. | “我们不能用过去的经验来分析目前的情况，因为许多决定都是由中央做出的，”钟国斌说。 |
OK阅读网 版权所有(C)2017 | 联系我们