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| In a photograph from the Kyiv suburb of Bucha, Ukraine, a woman stands in the yard of a house, her hand covering her mouth in horror, the bodies of three dead civilians scattered before her. When Aset Chad saw that picture, she started shaking and hurtled 22 years back in time. | 在一张来自乌克兰首都基辅郊区布查的照片中，一名女子站在一栋房子的院子里，惊恐地用手捂住嘴，在她眼前是三名被杀平民的尸体，躺在不同的地方。当阿谢特·查德看到这张照片时，她开始发抖，仿佛被猛然拉回到22年前。 |
| In February 2000, she walked into her neighbor’s yard in Chechnya and glimpsed the bodies of three men and a woman who had been shot repeatedly in front of her 8-year-old daughter. Russian soldiers had swept their village and murdered at least 60 people, raped at least six women and plundered the victims’ gold teeth, human rights observers found. | 2000年2月，她走进车臣邻居的院子时，看到了三名男子和一名女子的尸体，他们被俄罗斯士兵在那名女子八岁的女儿面前反复开枪打死。人权观察人士的调查发现，俄罗斯士兵对他们的村庄进行了扫荡，打死了至少60人，强奸了至少六名女性，还劫走了受害者的金牙。 |
| “I am having the most severe flashbacks,” Ms. Chad, who now lives in New York, said in a phone interview. “I see exactly what’s going on: I see the same military, the same Russian tactics they use, dehumanizing the people.” | “往事在我眼前不断回闪，”现住纽约的查德在接受电话采访时说。“我清楚地看到正在发生什么：我看到同一支军队，使用同样的俄罗斯手法，剥夺人民的人性。” |
| The brutality of Moscow’s war on Ukraine takes two distinct forms, familiar to those who have seen Russia’s military in action elsewhere. | 俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争暴行有两种明显不同的形式，对那些在其他地方看到过俄军行动的人来说，它们都不陌生。 |
| There is the programmatic violence meted out by Russian bombs and missiles against civilians as well as military targets, meant to demoralize as much as defeat. These attacks recall the aerial destruction in 1999 and 2000 of the Chechen capital of Grozny and, in 2016, of the Syrian rebel stronghold of Aleppo. | 一种是俄罗斯用炸弹和导弹对平民和军事目标施加的有计划的暴力，目的是打击士气，击败对手。这种打击让人想起1999年和2000年对车臣首府格罗兹尼的空袭，以及2016年对叙利亚叛军据点阿勒颇的空袭。 |
| And then there is the cruelty of individual soldiers and units, the horrors of Bucha appearing to have descended directly from the slaughter a generation ago in Ms. Chad’s village, Novye Aldi. | 另一种是个别士兵和部队的残忍，布查出现的恐怖似乎直接源自一代人之前发生在查德所在村庄新阿尔季的大屠杀。 |
| Civilian deaths and crimes committed by soldiers figure into every war, not least those fought by the United States in recent decades in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq. It has always been difficult to explain why soldiers commit atrocities, or to describe how the orders of commanders, military culture, national propaganda, battlefield frustration and individual malice can come together to produce such horrors. | 每场战争都发生平民死亡和士兵犯罪的情况，更别提美国最近几十年里在越南、阿富汗和伊拉克打的几场战争了。解释士兵为什么犯下暴行，或描述指挥官的命令、军队文化、国家宣传、战场上的挫败感和个人之恶如何结合起来导致这种恐怖发生，一直都很困难。 |
| In Russia, however, such acts are rarely investigated or even acknowledged, let alone punished. That leaves it unclear how much the low-level brutality stems from the intent of those in charge or whether commanders failed to control their troops. Combined with the apparent strategy of bombing civilian targets, many observers conclude that the Russian government — and, perhaps, a part of Russian society — in reality condones violence against civilians. | 但俄罗斯很少对战争暴行进行调查，就连承认暴行都罕见，更不用说惩罚了。这就让人搞不清楚低级别士兵的暴行在多大程度上是指挥官的意图，还是指挥官未能将部队控制好。把这些暴行与显而易见的轰炸平民战略结合起来看，许多观察人士得出结论，俄罗斯政府——也许还包括一部分俄罗斯社会——实际上纵容针对平民的暴行。 |
| Some analysts see the problem as a structural and political one, with the lack of accountability of the Russian armed forces magnified by the absence of independent institutions in Vladimir V. Putin’s authoritarian system or the Soviet Union before it. Compared with the West, fewer people harbor any illusions of individual rights trumping raw power. | 一些分析人士把这个问题看作是结构性和政治性的，与没人能对俄罗斯武装力量问责有关，普京的威权主义体制或之前的苏联没有独立的机构，导致了这个问题的加剧。与西方相比，俄罗斯很少有人对个人权利胜过纯粹的力量抱有幻想。 |
| “I think there is this kind of culture of violence,” said Volodymyr Yermolenko, a Ukrainian philosopher. “Either you are dominating, or you are dominated.” | “我认为存在这种暴力文化，你要么控制人，要么被人控制，”乌克兰哲学家弗拉基米尔·叶尔莫连科说。 |
| In Ukraine, Russian soldiers, by all appearances, can continue to kill civilians with impunity, as underscored by the fact that virtually none of the perpetrators of war crimes in Chechnya, where the Kremlin crushed an independence movement at the cost of tens of thousands of civilian lives, were ever prosecuted in Russia. | 从所有方面来看，俄罗斯士兵能在乌克兰继续肆无忌惮地滥杀平民，事实证明，在车臣犯下战争罪行的作恶者中，几乎没人在俄罗斯受到起诉，克里姆林宫曾经以成千上万平民的生命为代价，把车臣的独立运动镇压了下去。 |
| Back then, Russian investigators told Ms. Chad that the killings in Novye Aldi might have been perpetrated by Chechens dressed up as Russian troops, she recalls. Now, the Kremlin says any atrocities in Ukraine are either staged or carried out by the Ukrainians and their Western “patrons,” while denouncing as a “Nazi” anyone who resists the Russian advance. | 查德回忆说，俄罗斯调查人员当时告诉她，发生在新阿尔季的杀戮可能是假扮俄罗斯军人的车臣人干的。现在，克里姆林宫说，乌克兰的任何暴行要么是编排出来的，要么是乌克兰人在他们的西方“资助者”指使下干的，同时，克林姆林宫指责任何抵抗俄罗斯进攻的人为“纳粹”。 |
| Many Russians believe those lies, while those who do not are left wrestling with how such crimes could be carried out in their name. | 许多俄罗斯人相信这些谎言，而那些不相信谎言的人想知道，有多少这种暴行是以他们的名义进行的。 |
| Violence remains commonplace within the Russian military, where more senior soldiers routinely abuse junior ones. Despite two decades of attempts at trying to make the army a more professional force, it has never developed a strong middle tier akin to the noncommissioned officers who bridge the gap between commanders and lower-ranking soldiers in the American military. In 2019, a conscript in Siberia opened fire and killed eight at his military base, later asserting that he had carried out the shooting spree because other soldiers had made his life “hell.” | 暴力在俄罗斯军队中仍然普遍，高级士兵虐待下级士兵的情况司空见惯。尽管20年来，俄罗斯一直试图将军队改造为一支更职业化的部队，但始终未能发展出一个类似美军军士的强有力中层——他们在指挥官和普通士兵之间起桥梁作用。2019年，一名应征入伍者在他位于西伯利亚的营地开枪打死了八人，他后来声称，这是因为其他士兵让他的生活像“地狱”。 |
| Experts say that the severity of hazing in the Russian military has been reduced compared with the early 2000s, when it killed dozens of conscripts yearly. But they say that order in many units is still maintained through informal systems similar to the abusive hierarchies in Russian prisons. | 专家表示，与21世纪初相比，俄罗斯军队中刁难新兵的严重程度已有所下降，21世纪初，俄军每年都有好几十名应征入伍者死于非命。但专家也说，许多俄罗斯部队中的秩序仍靠类似于俄罗斯监狱中虐待性等级体系的非正式制度维持。 |
| To Sergei Krivenko, who leads a rights group that provides legal aid to Russian soldiers, that violence, coupled with a lack of independent oversight, makes war crimes more possible. Russian soldiers are just as capable of cruelty against fellow Russians, he says, as they are against Ukrainians. | 谢尔盖·克里文科领导着一个为俄罗斯士兵提供法律援助的维权组织，在他看来，暴力与缺乏独立监督结合在一起，让战争罪行更有可能发生。他说，俄罗斯士兵可以对俄罗斯同胞和对待乌克兰人一样残忍。 |
| “It is the state of the Russian army, this impunity, aggression and internal violence, that is expressed in these conditions,” Mr. Krivenko said in a phone interview. “If there were to be an uprising in Voronezh” — a city in western Russia — “and the army were called in, the soldiers would behave exactly the same way.” | “这就是俄罗斯军队的状态，这种状态表现出来的是不受惩处、攻击性和内部暴力，”克里文科在电话采访中说。“假如在（俄罗斯西部城市）沃罗涅日发生了暴乱，军队被调去进行干预，士兵们的做法也会完全一样。” |
| But the crimes in Ukraine may also stem from the Kremlin’s years of dehumanizing propaganda against Ukrainians, which soldiers consume in required viewings. Russian conscripts, a sample schedule available on the Russian Defense Ministry’s website shows, must sit through “informational television programs” from 9 to 9:40 p.m. every day but Sunday. The message that they are fighting “Nazis” — as their forefathers did in World War II — is now being spread through the military, Russian news reports show. | 但俄军在乌克兰的罪行也可能与克里姆林宫多年来对乌克兰人丧失人性的宣传有关，俄军士兵们被要求观看这些宣传片。俄罗斯国防部网站上的一份日程安排样本显示，除周日外，每晚9点到9点40分，俄罗斯应征入伍者必须坐下来观看为他们“提供信息的电视节目”。俄罗斯的新闻报道显示，军队正在向士兵们传播的信息是，他们正在与“纳粹”作战，就像他们的前辈们在第二次世界大战中那样。 |
| In one video distributed by the Defense Ministry, a marine commander, Maj. Aleksei Shabulin, says his grandfather “chased fascist scum through the forests” during and after World War II, referring to Ukrainian independence fighters who at one point collaborated with Nazi Germany. | 在俄罗斯国防部分发的一段视频中，海军陆战队指挥官阿列克谢·沙布林少校说，他的祖父在“二战”中以及战后“曾在森林里追赶法西斯渣滓”，他指的是为乌克兰独立而战的人，他们曾在某个时候与纳粹德国合作。 |
| “Now I am gloriously continuing this tradition; now my time has come,” Major Shabulin says. “I will not disgrace my great-grandfather and will go to the end.” | “现在，我在光荣地延续这个传统；现在轮到我了，”沙布林少校说。“我不会让我的曾祖父丢脸，我将战斗到底。” |
| That propaganda also primed Russian soldiers not to expect much resistance to the invasion — after all, the Kremlin’s narrative went, people in Ukraine had been subjugated by the West and were awaiting liberation by their Russian brethren. Mr. Krivenko, the soldiers’ rights advocate, said he had spoken directly to a Russian soldier who called his group’s hotline and recounted that even when his unit was ordered into Ukraine from Belarus, it was not made clear that the soldiers were about to enter a war zone. | 这种宣传也让俄罗斯士兵以为入侵时不会面对太多抵抗，毕竟，克里姆林宫的叙事是，乌克兰人民已被西方征服，正等待着俄罗斯兄弟们来解放他们。士兵权利倡导者克里文科说，他与一名俄罗斯士兵直接通过话，这名士兵拨通了克里文科组织的热线电话，讲述了即使在他所在的部队接到从白俄罗斯进入乌克兰的命令后，也没人明确告诉士兵们，他们即将进入战区。 |
| Military commanders’ “attitude to the army is, basically, like to cattle,” Mr. Krivenko said. Mr. Putin has said that only contract soldiers will fight in Ukraine, but his Defense Ministry was forced to admit last month that conscripts — serving the one-year term in the military required of Russian men 18 to 27 — had been sent to the front, as well. | 军事指挥官“对待士兵的态度，基本上像是对待牲口”，克里文科说。普京曾表示，前往乌克兰作战的只是合同兵，但他的国防部上个月被迫承认，征召入伍者也已被派往前线，俄罗斯规定18岁至27岁的男子必须在军队服役一年。 |
| Ukrainians did fight back, even though Mr. Putin called them part of “one nation” with Russians in an essay published last year that the Defense Ministry made required reading for its soldiers. The fierce resistance of a people considered to be part of one’s own contributed to the sense that Ukrainians were worse than a typical battlefield adversary, said Mark Galeotti, who studies Russian security affairs. | 乌克兰人奋力抵抗，尽管普京在他去年发表的一篇文章中称乌克兰人与俄罗斯人属于“同一个国家”，俄罗斯国防部已将这篇文章作为士兵必读物。研究俄罗斯安全事务的马克·加莱奥蒂说，遭到被认为与自己同属于一个国家的人的激烈抵抗，助长了俄军士兵对乌克兰人比战场上的典型对手更糟的感觉。 |
| “The fact that ordinary Ukrainians are now taking up arms against you — there is this sense that these aren’t just enemies, these are traitors,” he said. | “事实上，普通乌克兰人现在拿起武器反对你——让他们感觉这些不仅仅是敌人，还是叛徒，”他说。 |
| And treason, Mr. Putin has said, “is the gravest crime possible.” | 普京说，叛国罪“是最严重的罪行”。 |
| To some extent, the Russian military’s violence against civilians is a feature, not a bug. In Syria, Russia targeted hospitals to crush the last pockets of resistance to President Bashar al-Assad, a “brutally pragmatic approach to warfare” that has “its own, ghastly” logic, Mr. Galeotti said. It was an echo of Russia’s aerial destruction of Grozny in 1999 and 2000, and a prelude to the fierce siege of the Ukrainian port city of Mariupol in the current invasion. | 在某种程度上，俄罗斯军方对平民的暴力行为不是一个漏洞，而是一个特征。加莱奥蒂说，在叙利亚，俄罗斯将医院作为目标，以粉碎对总统巴沙尔·阿萨德的最后几处抵抗，这是一种“残酷务实的战争态度”，具有“其自身的、可怕的”逻辑。这是俄罗斯在1999年和2000年空袭格罗兹尼的再现，也是当前入侵中对乌克兰港口城市马里乌波尔进行猛烈围攻的前奏。 |
| The killings of civilians at close range and sexual violence by individual soldiers are a separate matter. In Bucha, civilians told The New York Times that the moods and behaviors of the Russian troops grew uglier as the war progressed, and that the first soldiers to arrive were relatively peaceful. | 近距离杀害平民和个别士兵的性暴力又是另一回事。在布查，平民告诉《纽约时报》，随着战争的进行，俄军的情绪和行为变得越来越丑恶，而第一批抵达的士兵则相对和平。 |
| “You have a bunch of sleep-deprived young men with guns for whom, they feel, none of the rules apply,” Mr. Galeotti said. | “这是一群拿着枪、睡眠不足的年轻人，他们觉得没有规则可以约束他们，”加莱奥蒂说。 |
| The violence has caused scholars to reassess their understanding of the Russian army. In a military operation that seemed — at least at first — to be aimed at winning over Ukrainians’ allegiance to Moscow, atrocities against civilians seem grotesquely counterproductive. Russia already experienced that in Chechnya, where Russian violence against civilians fueled the Chechen resistance. | 暴力事件导致学者们重新评估他们对俄罗斯军队的理解。这场军事行动——至少在一开始——似乎是要争取乌克兰人效忠莫斯科，针对平民的暴行似乎适得其反。俄罗斯已经在车臣经历了这种情况，俄罗斯对平民的暴力行为刺激了车臣的抵抗。 |
| “Every dead civilian meant a bullet into a Russian soldier,” said Kirill Shamiev, who studies Russian civil-military relations at the Central European University in Vienna. “I thought that they had learned some lessons.” | “每一个死去的平民都意味着一颗子弹击中俄罗斯士兵，”在维也纳中欧大学研究俄罗斯军民关系的基里尔·沙米耶夫说。“我本以为他们已经吸取了一些教训。” |
| But Stanislav Gushchenko, a journalist who served as a psychologist in the Russian military in the early 2000s, said he was not surprised by the reports of Russian atrocities in Ukraine. He recalled the quotidian violence in his unit and the banal mistreatment of Russian civilians, like the time that a group of soldiers he was traveling with by long-distance train stole a cooked chicken that an older woman in their carriage had brought along for sustenance. | 但是记者斯坦尼斯拉夫·古申科表示，他对俄罗斯在乌克兰暴行的报道并不感到惊讶。他在2000年代初曾在俄罗斯军队担任心理学家。他回忆起他所在部队的日常暴力行为和对俄罗斯平民的那一套陈腐的粗暴对待，比如有一次他与一群士兵一起乘坐长途火车，那些士兵偷走了车厢里一位年长女性为充饥而带上车的烤鸡。 |
| In a phone interview from the southern Russian city of Rostov-on-Don, Mr. Gushchenko marveled at the Russians who now express shock. | 古申科在俄罗斯南部城市顿河畔罗斯托夫接受电话采访时表示，很多俄罗斯人现在表示震惊，他对此感到惊讶。 |
| “I say, ‘Guys, things were about the same 20 years ago,’” he said. “You lived in your own, closed world, in some kind of bubble, or as psychologists say, in a comfort zone, and didn’t want to notice this or truly didn’t notice.” | “我说，‘伙计们，20年前的情况是一样的，’”他说。“你生活在自己的封闭世界里，生活在某种气泡里，或者像心理学家所说的那样，生活在舒适区，不想注意到这一点，或者真的没有注意到。” |
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