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| Chun Doo-hwan, South Korea’s most vilified former military dictator, who seized power in a coup and ruled his country with an iron fist for most of the 1980s, dispatching paratroopers and armored vehicles to mow down hundreds of pro-democracy protesters, died on Tuesday at his home in Seoul. He was 90. |
| 周二，备受非议的韩国前军事独裁者全斗焕死于首尔家中，享年90岁。他通过政变夺权，在上世纪80年代的大部分时间里以铁腕统治国家，曾派遣空降部队和装甲车武力镇压成百上千的民主抗议者。 |
| His death was confirmed by South Korea’s national police agency. |
| 韩国警察厅证实了他的死讯。 |
| In 1996, eight years after he left office, Mr. Chun was sentenced to death on sedition and mutiny charges stemming from his role in the 1979 coup that brought him to power and the massacre of demonstrators at the southwestern city of Gwangju the following year. But he was pardoned in 1997 in a gesture of reconciliation, shortly after Kim Dae-jung, a former dissident whom Mr. Chun’s military junta had once condemned to death, was elected president. |
| 1996年，也就是在他卸任八年后，全斗焕因在1979年参与夺权政变和次年在西南城市光州屠杀示威者，以军事叛乱和内乱罪被判处死刑。但在1997年金大中当选总统后不久，这位曾被全斗焕军政府判处死刑的反对者以和解的姿态将他赦免。 |
| Mr. Chun, who was president from 1979 until early 1988, was also convicted of collecting hundreds of millions of dollars in bribes from wealthy, politically connected families known as chaebol whose businesses expanded into conglomerates with the help of tax cuts and other government favors. |
| 全斗焕于1979年到1988年初担任总统，他还被判处犯下收受财阀数亿美元贿赂的罪名，在减税和其他政府优惠的帮助下，这些政治人脉深厚的富豪家族将他们的企业发展成一个个大财团。 |
| Unapologetic to the end, Mr. Chun was the last to die among South Korea’s three military general-turned presidents. |
| 在韩国三位将军出身的总统中，全斗焕是直到最后也毫无歉意的一人，也是最后去世的一位。 |
| As an army captain, Mr. Chun took part in Maj. Gen. Park Chung-hee’s coup in 1961, a move that secured his place in Mr. Park’s military elite. When Mr. Park’s 18-year dictatorship abruptly ended with his assassination in 1979, Mr. Chun, by then a major general himself, staged his own coup to usurp control. He later handpicked his friend Roh Tae-woo, also a former general, as successor. Mr. Roh, president from 1988 to 1993, died in October. |
| 1961年，全斗焕作为陆军上尉参与了朴正熙少将发动的政变，这确保了他在朴正熙政府军队高层中的地位。朴正熙长达18年的独裁统治在他1979年遇刺后戛然而止时，当时还是一名少将的全斗焕通过政变夺权。后来，他亲自挑选了自己的朋友，同样曾是将军的卢泰愚作为继任者。卢泰愚于1988年至1993年担任总统，他于10月去世。 |
| During the three generals’ combined rule of 32 years, South Korea rose from the ruins of the 1950-53 Korean War to become one of Asia’s Tiger economies, overtaking rival North Korea in industrial output and national income. While Mr. Chun was in office, South Korea tamed its chronic inflation, and its economy was among the world’s fastest growing, expanding an average 10 percent a year. |
| 在这三位将军任总统的32年间，韩国从朝鲜战争（1950年至1953年）的废墟中崛起，成为“亚洲四小龙”之一，工业产值和国民收入都超过了敌对的朝鲜。全斗焕在任时，韩国克服了长期通货膨胀，经济以年均10%的速度增长，在世界上名列前茅。 |
| His government also overcame huge odds against Japan, its historical enemy, to win the right to host to the 1988 Olympics, widely seen as a coming-out party for the once war-torn nation. |
| 他的政府还在极大的劣势下击败了历史仇敌日本，赢得了1988年奥运会的主办权，这被普遍视为曾饱受战争蹂躏的韩国正式崛起的标志。 |
| But Mr. Chun is mostly remembered as a dictator. |
| 但全斗焕最为人所铭记的身份，依然是独裁者。 |
| “Among South Koreans, his name is synonymous with a tyrannical military dictator,” said Choi Jin, director of the Institute for Presidential Leadership in Seoul. “His positive achievements are far outweighed by his negative legacies — the illegitimate way he came to power and the dictatorial streak that ran through his term.” |
| “在韩国人眼中，他的名字就是专制军事独裁者的代名词，”首尔总统领导能力研究所所长崔真表示。“他的正面成就远不及负面遗产——即他夺权的不正当性以及贯穿他总统生涯的独裁行径。” |
| Mr. Chun was born on Jan. 18, 1931, to a farming family in Hapcheon in what is now southern South Korea. At the time, Korea was a colony of Japan’s. |
| 1931年1月18日，全斗焕出生于如今是韩国南部陕川郡一个农民家庭。当时朝鲜半岛还是日本的殖民地。 |
| While his father, Chun Sang-woo, ran from debt-collectors and Japanese police officers (after pushing one of them off a cliff), his mother, Kim Jeom-mun, had high expectations on Doo-hwan, one of her four sons. When a Buddhist fortuneteller predicted that her three protruding frontal teeth would block the boy’s path to future glory, she rushed into her kitchen and yanked them out with a pair of tongs, according to “Chun Doo-hwan: Man of Destiny,” an authorized biography published after his coup. |
| 他的父亲全祥佑（音）为躲避讨债者和日本警察（因为他将其中一人推下悬崖）逃亡，母亲金占文（音）在她的四个儿子中唯独对全斗焕抱有很高的期望。在他政变后出版的授权传记《全斗焕：应运而生》中写道，当一位会算命的佛教徒预言她那三颗突出的门牙会阻碍全斗焕走向未来的辉煌，她冲进厨房，用钳子把牙齿都拔了下来。 |
| After finishing a vocational high school, Doo-hwan gave up going to college because he could not pay tuition. Instead, he joined the Korea Military Academy, where he practiced boxing and captained its soccer team as a goalie. (As president, he used to call the head coach of South Korea’s national soccer team in the middle of a match to dictate game strategy.) |
| 高中毕业后，全斗焕因交不起学费放弃了上大学。结果，他进入韩国陆军士官军校，在那里学会了拳击，并作为守门员担任校足球队队长。（担任总统时，他经常在比赛中给韩国国足主教练打电话，指导比赛战术。） |
| Maj. Gen. Chun was serving as head of the military’s intelligence command in late 1979 when Mr. Park was assassinated by the director of KCIA, his spy agency, during a drinking party. Mr. Chun and his army friends — mostly officers like Mr. Roh who hailed from his home province in the southeast of South Korea — arrested their boss and martial-law commander, the army chief of staff Gen. Jeong Seung-hwa, and moved their troops into Seoul to complete his largely bloodless coup. |
| 1979年底，当朴正熙在酒席间被他的情报机构中央情报部的部长刺杀时，少将全斗焕正是国军保安司令。全斗焕与军中盟友——大多都是卢泰愚这样出身于他在韩国东南部家乡的军官——逮捕了他们的上级陆军参谋总长郑升和上将，并让军队开进首尔，完成了这场基本上没有流血的政变。 |
| “It was a dirty rebellion that served no other purpose than to satisfy Chun Doo-hwan’s personal greed,” Mr. Jeong said later. He said Mr. Chun’s cronies flogged and waterboarded him to extract a false confession that he had been complicit in Mr. Park’s assassination. |
| “这完全是全斗焕为了满足私欲而进行的丑恶叛乱，”郑升和后来说。他说全斗焕的亲信对他施以鞭打和水刑，逼他承认自己是朴正熙遇刺案的同谋。 |
| Mr. Chun placed the country under a martial law, closing Parliament and universities and detaining prominent dissidents, including the two main opposition leaders, Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung. In May 1980, people in Gwangju, Kim Dae-jung’s political home base, rose up in protest, chanting, “Down with Chun Doo-hwan!” |
| 全斗焕在韩国实施戒严，关闭议会和大学，拘捕知名异见人士，包括金泳三和金大中这两位主要的反对派领导人。1980年5月，金大中政治根基所在的光州有民众发起抗议，高喊着“打倒全斗焕！”的口号。 |
| Troops moved in, wielding batons and bayonets and opening fire. Some protesters armed themselves with weapons stolen from police stations. The crackdown cost at least 191 lives by official count, including 26 soldiers and police officers. Victims’ families said the death toll was much higher. |
| 开进光州的部队挥舞着警棍和刺刀，并对民众开火。一些抗议者用从警局偷来的武器武装自己。据官方统计，镇压行动造成至少191人丧生，其中包括26名士兵和警察。受害者家属声称实际死亡人数要高得多。 |
| Mr. Chun’s military junta later sentenced Kim Dae-jung to death on a false charge of instigating the Gwangju uprising at the behest of North Korea. |
| 后来，全斗焕军政府诬告金大中在朝鲜授意下策动了光州暴动，判处他死刑。 |
| “The incident was an outrage and a tragedy that was to profoundly shape the thinking of an entire generation of young people in Korea, making many of them extremely critical of the United States,” David Straub, a former American diplomat who served in South Korea at the time, wrote in his 2015 book “Anti-Americanism in Democratizing South Korea.” |
| “光州事件是一场暴行和悲剧，深刻影响了韩国整整一代年轻人的思想，让他们中的许多人对美国抱有极度批判的态度，”当时驻韩国任职的前美国外交官戴维·斯特劳布在2015年的著作《韩国民主化中的反美主义》中写道。 |
| To young Koreans, Washington’s perceived failure to stop the Gwangju massacre despite the fact that their country had placed its military under operational control of American generals was evidence of betrayal. Later, President Ronald Reagan’s “quiet diplomacy” on Mr. Chun’s human rights abuses hardened their belief that Washington had ignored Koreans’ suffering under Mr. Chun. |
| 在韩国年轻人看来，他们的国家已经把军队交给美国人指挥，但华盛顿却未能阻止光州屠杀上演，这就是背叛的证据。后来，里根总统对全斗焕人权侵犯行为的“静默外交”策略也坚定了他们的信念，那就是华盛顿无视了全斗焕统治下韩国人民的苦难。 |
| Anti-Americanism among young South Koreans raged on into later decades. Student activists raided U.S. diplomatic facilities, setting one on fire. American military bases were plagued by demonstrators shouting, “Yankee Go Home!” |
| 那之后的几十年间，反美情绪始终充斥于韩国年轻人心中。学生活动者袭击美国的外交领馆，烧毁了其中一处。美国军事基地也被高喊着“扬基佬回家去！”的示威者包围。 |
| Washington said that it had been caught off-guard by Mr. Chun’s coup and that none of the forces deployed at Gwangju were at the time under the control of any American authorities. It criticized Mr. Chun’s martial law and called for restraint in Gwangju, but the government-controlled South Korean news media reported that the United States had approved Mr. Chun’s dispatch of troops there. |
| 华盛顿宣称，全斗焕的政变令其措手不及，部署于光州的部队当时也完全不由美国当局控制。美国批评了全斗焕的戒严令，并呼吁在光州保持克制，但由政府控制的韩国媒体报道称，美国赞成全斗焕向光州派遣部队。 |
| Mr. Chun “manipulated not only the Korean public but also the United States,” Mr. Straub wrote. |
| 全斗焕“不仅操纵了韩国公众，还摆了美国一道，”斯特劳布写道。 |
| In a rare interview published in the South Korean monthly magazine Shindonga in 2016, Mr. Chun denied giving a shoot-to-kill order in Gwangju. He called himself a victim of political “revenge.” |
| 在2016年发表于韩国《新东亚》月刊上的一次罕见采访中，全斗焕否认他下达了在光州开火的命令。他说自己是政治“报复”的受害者。 |
| “I had nothing to do with the Gwangju incident,” he told the magazine. “As a soldier, I saw the country in a difficult situation, and I had to become president because there was no other way. It was not like I wanted to become president.” |
| “我与光州事件无关，”他告诉该杂志。“作为一名军人，我看到这个国家处境艰难，我不得不成为总统，因为别无他法。我并不想成为总统。” |
| After the Gwangju massacre, Mr. Chun had himself elected president by an electoral college filled with pro-government delegates. He forced the country’s news media to shut down or merge into a handful of newspapers and TV stations, which his government controlled with a daily “press guideline.” Prime-time TV news always began with reports on Mr. Chun’s daily routine. A comedian was banished from TV when people began comparing him to Mr. Chun; both were bald. |
| 在光州屠杀之后，全斗焕让一个有大量亲政府代表的选举团将其选为总统。他迫使该国的新闻媒体关闭或合并为少数几家报社和电视台，他的政府通过每日“新闻指南”对其进行控制。黄金时段的电视新闻总是以报道全斗焕的日常生活开始。当人们开始将全斗焕与一位喜剧演员相提并论时——两个人都秃顶，那位喜剧演员被逐出电视业。 |
| Dissidents, student activists and journalists were hauled into torture chambers. Under Mr. Chun’s “social purification” program, the government rounded up tens of thousands of gangsters, homeless people, political dissidents and others deemed to be unhealthy elements of the society and trucked them to military barracks for brutal re-education. Hundreds were reported to have died under the program. |
| 持不同政见者、学生活动家和记者被拖入刑讯室。在全斗焕的“社会净化”计划下，政府围捕了数以万计的帮派成员、无家可归者、持不同政见者和其他被认为是社会不良分子的人，并将他们用卡车运到军营进行残酷的再教育。据报道，成百上千人在该计划下死亡。 |
| North Korea tried to assassinate Mr. Chun while he was visiting Burma, now known as Myanmar, in 1983. Bombs planted by its agents destroyed the Martyrs’ Mausoleum in Yangon (formerly known as Rangoon), then the Burmese capital, and killed 21 people, including several South Korean cabinet ministers. Mr. Chun escaped the attack because his arrival there had been delayed. |
| 1983年，朝鲜试图在全斗焕访问缅甸期间暗杀他。朝鲜特工放置的炸弹摧毁了当时缅甸首都仰光的烈士陵墓，并炸死21人，包括几位韩国内阁部长。全斗焕由于行程被推迟躲过了袭击。 |
| Deeply unpopular, Mr. Chun wanted his handpicked successor, Mr. Roh, elected by the same rubber-stamp electoral college. But amid massive protests triggered by the death of a tortured student activist, he and Mr. Roh acceded to a popular election. |
| 由于非常不受欢迎，全斗焕希望同一个橡皮图章选举团选择他精心挑选的继任者卢泰愚。但在一名学生活动家被折磨致死引发大规模抗议后，他和卢泰愚同意进行普选。 |
| Mr. Roh became the country’s first directly elected president in 16 years, thanks largely to the split of opposition votes between the two dissident candidates, Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung, whose mutual mistrust was as deep as their common hatred of military rule. |
| 卢泰愚成为该国16年来首位直选总统，这主要归功于金泳三和金大中两位持不同政见的候选人分散了反对派选票，他们之间的芥蒂之深不亚于他们对军人政权共同的仇恨。 |
| Mr. Chun tried to appease the public calling for his punishment by going into domestic exile in a remote Buddhist monastery. But after Kim Young-sam took power in 1993, he went after Mr. Chun, Mr. Roh and other former generals once considered untouchables. |
| 全斗焕试图通过流亡到偏远的佛教寺院来安抚呼吁对他进行惩罚的公众。但1993年金泳三上台，开始追击全斗焕、卢泰愚以及其他曾被视为惹不起的前将军们。 |
| Mr. Chun was on his way to the bathroom on Tuesday, assisted by his wife, Lee Soon-ja, when he collapsed, said a senior police officer who was in charge of guarding Mr. Chun’s residence in Seoul. In addition to his wife, he is survived by their four children, Jae-yong, Hyo-sun, Jae-guk and Jae-man. |
| 一名负责看守全斗焕首尔住所的高级警官说，全斗焕周二在他妻子李顺子的帮助下去洗手间的路上昏倒。他的遗属除了妻子还有四个孩子——全宰庸、全孝善、全宰国和全宰满。 |
| In a Supreme Court ruling in 1997, Mr. Chun was ordered to return 220 billion won, or $190 million, to the state that he had illegally accumulated through bribery. He said he didn’t have enough to pay the fine, though critics accused him of hiding assets in the care of relatives. |
| 在最高法院1997年的一项裁决中，全斗焕被命令向国家退还他通过贿赂非法揽聚的2200亿韩元，合1.9亿美元。他说他没有足够的资金来支付罚款，然而批评者指责他隐藏资产，将其交给亲戚代管。 |
| Prosecutors have so far collected only half the sum, even though they raided his home to confiscate what they could, including a refrigerator and two dogs. |
| 尽管检察官突击搜查了他的家，没收了他们所能没收的东西，包括一台冰箱和两条狗，到目前为止仍然只追回了数额的一半。 |
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